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DAWN WIRE SERVICE

------------------------------------------------------------------- Week Ending : 23 January 1997 Issue : 03/04 -------------------------------------------------------------------

Contents | National News | Business & Economy | Editorials & Features | Sports

The DAWN Wire Service (DWS) is a free weekly news-service from Pakistan's largest English language newspaper, the daily DAWN. DWS offers news, analysis and features of particular interest to the Pakistani Community on the Internet. Extracts from DWS can be used provided that this entire header is included at the beginning of each extract. We encourage comments & suggestions. We can be reached at: e-mail dws@dawn.khi.erum.com.pk dws%dawn%khi@sdnpk.undp.org fax +92(21) 568-3188 & 568-3801 mail Pakistan Herald Publications (Pvt.) Limited DAWN Group of Newspapers Haroon House, Karachi 74400, Pakistan TO START RECEIVING DWS FREE EVERY WEEK, JUST SEND US YOUR E-MAIL ADDRESS! (c) Pakistan Herald Publications (Pvt.) Ltd., Pakistan - 1996 ******************************************************************** *****DAWN - the Internet Edition ** DAWN - the Internet Edition***** ******************************************************************** Read DAWN - the Internet Edition on the WWW ! http://xiber.com/dawn Pakistan's largest English language newspaper, DAWN, is now Pakistan's first newspaper on the WWW. DAWN - the Internet Edition will be published daily (except on Fridays and public holidays in Pakistan) and would be available on the Web by noon GMT. Check us out ! DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS

CONTENTS

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NATIONAL NEWS

19 killed as bomb explodes outside Lahore court Accused in Lahore blast confesses Fanatics could not harm ties with Iran, says Leghari Altaf wants annulment of special courts Act Publicise IMF pact: Benazir Benazir says she will withdraw plea if SC delays Feb. 3 polls Dissolution case hearing commences Arguments continue in PA dissolution case Aitzaz terms rejoinder false Mir had named conspirators hours before he was killed Anonymous fax showed plot to eliminate politicians Satellite services: PTCL clarification Khattak wants govt not to cancel SPTV licence ---------------------------------

BUSINESS & ECONOMY

GDP grows at 5% in first three years SBP given further autonomy NIT-ICP merger strongly supported Banks not encashing NIT units Stocks pass through dull session ---------------------------------------

EDITORIALS & FEATURES

Ehtesab or Intekhab ?  6 Ardeshir Cowasjee Promises aplenty, with issues missing Editorial Column Reversing decline of governance Dr Maqbool Ahmad Bhatty -----------

SPORTS

W.I. destroyed by pace & spin as Pakistan win 1st final Pakistan rout W. I to take World Series crown Melbourne win, a milestone in post-Imran era Pakistan take one-day crown with easy win Moin Khan completes 100 victims Pak U-19 SA tour Hasan Raza hammers 2nd successive ton

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NATIONAL NEWS

970119 ------------------------------------------------------------------- 19 killed as bomb explodes outside Lahore court ------------------------------------------------------------------- Intkhab Hanif LAHORE, Jan 18: Nineteen people including Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) chief Maulana Ziaur Rehman Farooqui, the photographer of a local newspaper and 13 policemen, were killed when a powerful bomb exploded inside the heavily guarded Sessions Court building on Saturday. Maulana Ziaur Rehman's right-hand man, Maulana Azam Tariq, sustained serious injuries and doctors at the Mayo Hospital said his condition was critical. The bomb went off as the two SSP leaders and four workers were brought to the Sessions Court in a police van from the Kot Lakhpat jail for the hearing of cases against them. The incident occurred a minute or two after noon, and created mayhem at the scene. The dead included two SHOs and an ASI. Over 100 people were injured, many of them critically. Besides police functionaries, SSP workers who had gone there to greet their leaders were also caught and injured in the blast. Among the injured were five photographers of local newspapers also who were taking pictures of the SSP leaders. Several reporters had also gone there to cover the proceedings of cases against the SSP leaders and were standing nearby, but escaped unscathed. The SSP leaders and their party workers were brought to the Sessions Court amidst extra ordinarily tight security for hearing of criminal cases against them. The workers were in another police truck and were unharmed because they had yet to be taken out of the vehicle. Blood-soaked and crushed bodies lay scattered at the blast site. It was a grim, devastating scene. The city was stunned as news of the tragedy spread. According to police, the bomb was planted in a motorcycle parked outside the window of the court room of the Additional Sessions Judge Khalid Mian. The bomb went off when the SSP leaders came near the motorcycle. An official of the bomb disposal squad of the Civil Defence Organisation said it was a two kilo high explosive time device planted in the tool box of the motorcycle, whose registration number could not be ascertained. The bomb exploded when the compound of the courts was guarded by heavily armed police belonging to several police stations. The prisoners' trucks were escorted by 40 commandos and over 70 officials of the Mobile Force who were led by the DSP Gulberg. Prior the arrival of the SSP leaders, policemen were seen checking people at random at the two entrance gates of the courts with bomb- detection devices. At the time of the incident Judge Khalid Mian and some other colleagues were in a meeting with the District and Sessions Judge at the Aiwan-i-Adl, about 300 metres away, in their capacity as returning officers. As Maulana Farooqui and Maulana Azam Tariq alighted from the truck, they were encircled by a heavily armed police posse and followers chanting slogans and showering rose petals on them. The workers had been waiting for the two leaders since morning. The deafening noise of the blast was accompanied by a flash of light, and the entire place was filled with smoke and dust. This reporter who was present on the spot along with other journalists saw a screen of haze enveloping the spot where the SSP leaders, workers and police were present. Litigants, lawyers and staff of the courts ran to save their lives. The window panes of almost all court rooms were broken. The court room of Judge Khalid Mian had its window and doors ripped apart. His three stenographers, Raza Shah, Anwar and Bashir Baloch, sustained minor injuries. Their hearing was affected. When the smoke and dust cleared, this reporter saw mutilated bodies scattered near the court room. Maulana Farooqui had been killed on the spot and Maulana Azam Tariq was lying injured. He was brought to the verandah of the court room by two injured workers who also collapsed after taking a few steps. Blood, limbs, shoes and other belongings of the injured and the dead and cameras of the photographers were spread all over the site. Many people lay injured, burnt by the blast. They were either unconscious or crying for help, with their clothes and limbs torn. Several vehicles belonging to police and people, the prisoners truck in which the SSP leaders were brought to the courts, some motorcycles and bicycles were damaged. After the initial confusion and fear, police and lawyers returned to shift the victims to hospitals, which were put on alert. Soon rescue teams of the civil defence, police and district administration reached the spot. The dead and the injured were taken to hospitals in police vans and hospitals and civil defence ambulances. Maulana Azam Tariq was shifted to hospital in a private car. The Civil Defence bomb disposal squad also reached there and collected splinters of the bomb and samples of the wreckage of the motorcycle in which the device was apparently planted. Among government officials, Lahore Division Commissioner Salman Siddique was the first to reach the scene and to supervise the rescue operation being conducted by a lone magistrate. He was followed by Deputy Commissioner Kamran Lashari, IGP Chaudhry Mohammad Amin and Lahore DIG Tariq Parvez. Lahore High Court Chief Justice Ejaz Nisar, provincial Chief Secretary Parvez Masood, Home Secretary Hafiz Akhtar also reached the spot soon after. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970121 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Accused in Lahore blast confesses ------------------------------------------------------------------- Staff Reporter LAHORE, Jan 20: The suspect arrested by the police soon after Saturday's bomb blast at Sessions Court confessed to having carried out the explosion resulting in the death of 19 people, including 14 policemen. The accused is reported to have links with former Imamia Students Organisation chief late Dr Mohammad Ali Naqvi. Lahore Range DIG Tariq Parvez told reporters at a Press conference that the bomb blast was masterminded by one Dr Qaisar Abbas, a close associate of Dr Mohammad Ali Naqvi who was still at large. The DIG said the accused, Mehram Ali, had been sentenced to 10 years of imprisonment by a local court on possessing hand grenades and other explosive material in 1990. However, he was granted relief when he approached superior court and was subsequently released in 1994. He said the accused belonged to Shia sect and wanted to kill SSP leader Maulana Azam Tariq who, according to Mehram Ali, spoke ill of Hazrat Ali and his family in his speeches and writings. He said the accused was exploring ways and means to eliminate the SSP leader since Mr Azam Tariq's stay in Rawalpindi and Multan jails. The accused told police that he visited the sessions court on Jan 4, the last date of Maulana Azam Tariq's appearance before the court. In view of the tight security measures taken by the police, Mehram Ali found it difficult to make Maulana Azam a bullet target. He discussed the security arrangements at the Sessions court with his new mentor Dr Qaisar Abbas and it was decided that a bomb blast should be carried out to accomplish the mission. Both of them visited sessions court on Jan 14 to select the spot to park the motorcycle implanted with explosive material. They planted ten blocks of explosive material, each weighing about one pound, in the fuel tank and space above its engine. According to the DIG, Mehram Ali parked the motorcycle at the selected spot at about 7am on Saturday and waited for the arrival of the SSP leaders with remote control in his hand nearby. When SSP leaders Maulana Ziaur Rehman Farooqi and Maulana Azam Tariq reached the Sessions court, he became alert and stood only 40 or 50 yard from the bike. He pushed the button of the remote control device when the SSP leaders were passing close to the motorcycle. He later threw the wireless-shaped remote control on the roof of a nearby Bakhshikhana. The DIG said the accused was about to slip out of the court premises when he was apprehended by three police constables posted there in connection with judicial checking. The wig used by the accused to conceal his identity supported the suspicion of police officials. Initially, the DIG said, the accused tried to mislead the investigators by giving wrong name and address. Later, he revealed his exact name which was certified by the police record. He also revealed the address of the rented house near Angoori Cinema. A raid at the house led to the recovery of about two kg of explosive material, a wireless set and other tools used in the incident. The accused was also produced before newsmen. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970123 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Fanatics could not harm ties with Iran, says Leghari ------------------------------------------------------------------- Staff Correspondent QUETTA, Jan 22: The President, Sardar Farooq Ahmed Khan Leghari, has said that Pakistan and Iran are enjoying very cordial relations and small groups of religious fanatics of the country and the Taliban could not harm those relations. Addressing a news conference at the Governor's House, the President said "We have brotherly relations with Iran and consider them as our brothers." He denied a suggestion from a newsman that Iran, Saudi Arabia, Iraq and other Muslim countries were involved in whipping up sectarianism in Pakistan. "They are not interfering in our internal affair," President Leghari emphatically declared. He regretted that the Iranian Cultural Centre was burnt down and said. "We will give adequate protection to all Iranians in Pakistan. Such incidents would not affect our cordial relations with Iran," President Leghari told the correspondent. He said that Iran had some misgivings and apprehension in regard to Taliban, but those fears could not harm our brotherly relations with Iran. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970117 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Altaf wants annulment of special courts Act ------------------------------------------------------------------- Staff Reporter KARACHI, Jan 16: MQM chief Altaf Hussain said that the government's step of dissolving the special courts was a mere eyewash and was aimed at misleading the people. In a statement, the MQM chief said neither the government had abrogated the 1975 act concerning the special courts, nor had the cases pending in these courts under the criminal procedure been transferred to the civil courts, but the session judges have been given the additional duties as special court to deal with these cases. Mr Hussain said the government handout issued by the information department of the Government of Sindh has given an impression as if these courts had really been disbanded. "In fact, the special courts act approved in the 1975 is very much there despite the fact that the successive governments promised to abolish it," he said. Mr Hussain said the Sindh government had not annulled or disbanded the special courts under Section 3(2), but in fact had given this task to the district and additional judges. He said it was a wrong impression that the special courts have been abolished to give any relief to the MQM. "If the government is sincere in giving some relief, it should amend the law first". DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970117 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Publicise IMF pact: Benazir ------------------------------------------------------------------- Staff Reporter KARACHI, Jan 16: Deposed prime minister Benazir Bhutto demanded that the caretakers make public details of the agreement they had allegedly signed with the IMF. Talking to newsmen at an Iftar party, she claimed that the caretaker government had agreed to bring down tariff from 65 to 35 percent, which within the next three years, would prove to be detrimental to the national interest. She said she was not opposed to a reduction in tariff but said it should be done over a longer period otherwise competitiveness of the industry would be affected and the country would face a massive employment problem. The former prime minister said the manner in which utility rates and prices of commodities were being raised, it appeared that the caretakers had accepted the IMF package which she had refused to accept. She said during her meetings with the international donor agencies she had maintained that the method of achieving the target set for reducing the budget deficit should be left to the government. "It is unfair and unjust that elected Pakistani leaders cannot make their own budget and someone comes from Washington and give us a three-year package every now and then." DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970119 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Benazir says she will withdraw plea if SC delays Feb. 3 polls ------------------------------------------------------------------- Nasir Malick ISLAMABAD, Jan 18: Deposed prime minister Benazir Bhutto informed the Supreme Court that she will withdraw her petition challenging the dismissal of the National Assembly, if it were to delay the February 3 general election. "If our petition were to delay the elections, I would step out (of court)," Ms Bhutto's counsel Aitzaz Ahsan told a seven-member bench of the Supreme Court hearing her petition. The Bench on Saturday heard Dr Farooq Hasan, the counsel of the Mohajir Qaumi Movement, for more than half day on MQM's request for being allowed as intervener to the case. The request was opposed by Aitzaz Ahsan. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970120 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Dissolution case hearing commences ------------------------------------------------------------------- Staff Reporter KARACHI, Jan 19: A full Bench of the High Court of Sindh commenced hearing of the three petitions filed by the former chief minister and two ministers of the erstwhile Sindh cabinet. Abdul Hafeez Lakho, appearing for the petitioners, while winding up his arguments referred to the case of Khwaja Tariq Rahim decided by the Supreme Court in 1992. He submitted that even if it were accepted that there was corruption, that alone could not justify the order of dissolution. Mr Lakho further contended that as far as the killing of Murtaza Bhutto was concerned, till the passing of the order of dissolution no one had accused Abdullah Shah's involvement therein. In any case hypothetically speaking even if he was accused that would not be a ground to dismiss the entire assembly. Naimur Rahman, appearing for the governor of Sindh, informed the court that M. Farogh Naseem would commence arguments for the respondents and the government of Sindh and thereafter he would go through the material filed by the respondents. Mr Naseem, in his address to the court, invited the attention of the Bench to the very basis and ethos of the exercise of power under Articles 58 (2) (B) and Article 112 (2) (b). The counsel contended that these Articles contained a mechanism to avert an extra-constitutional deviation. He contended that the court has to interpret the present case in this context. He invited the attention of the court to the fact that like provisions were contained in the Government of India Act 1935, but not in the subsequent constitutions experienced and adopted by the country. It was in view of lack of such provisions that the country had to face military interventions and extra-constitutional interference's. Mr Naseem emphasised that the court has to acknowledge the fact that constitutional heads like the president and the governor cannot be silent spectators to witness the plunder and loot of public wealth and degeneration of public authorities. He said in case there is such a silence on the part of the constitutional heads and they are bereft of such powers then extra-constitutional interference's can be very much expected. He further emphasised that in case this was not done the constitutional crisis could transform into a dictatorial regime and the chance of democracy would be lost. He emphasised the need for the court to decide constitutional questions in consonance with the aspirations of the people at large, since the very constitution has to suit the genius of the people. He then invited the court's attention to the basis principles contained in the exercise of power under Article 58 (2) (b) and Article 112 (2) (b). The counsel for the government of Sindh contended that if on a particular ground there were 200 documents and the court found only five or 10 to be relevant that was enough to sustain the dissolution order. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970121 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Arguments continue in PA dissolution case ------------------------------------------------------------------- Staff Reporter KARACHI, Jan 20: Mohammad Farogh Naseem, counsel for the government of Sindh, appearing in the dissolution of assembly cases before the High Court of Sindh on Monday said that the arguments of the counsel for the petitioners was based upon a misappropriation of facts and law. Presenting his arguments before a full Bench of the High Court of Sindh, he said the counsel for the petitioners  erstwhile chief minister Syed Abdullah Shah and two of his cabinet ministers, Nisar A. Khuhro and Pir Mazharul Haq  had maintained that the Supreme Court in Haji Saifullah and Nawaz Sharif cases had struck down the presidential action of dissolution as illegal, in the present case also the order of the dissolution should be declared illegal. He pointed out that the court should indulge itself into the exercise of judicial and constitutional interpretation to appreciate the real and correct import of these two decisions of the Supreme Court. He pointed out that Hafeez Lakho had stated that in the Saifullah case the grounds of dismissal given by General Zia were so vague and that even subsequent material relied upon by the respondents was rejected. He emphasised that on the contrary in the Haji Saifullah case no material was produced by the federal government to support the grounds of dissolution and it was due to the lack of production of material that the court declared the order of dissolution to be unconstitutional. Mr Naseem pointed out that even in the subsequent decision of the High Court comprising five judges in the Khalid Malik case (matter pertaining to the dissolution of the Benazir government in 1990) the court had taken note of the fact that in Haji Saifullah case no material was produced and thus no parallel could have been drawn from it. Barrister Farogh Naseem emphasised that the true import of Haji Saifullah case was that facts and circumstances of every case had to be looked into independently. Commenting upon the Nawaz Sharif case, Mr Naseem contended that in the said Sharif case on April 17, 1993, president Ghulam Ishaque Khan dismissed Nawaz Sharif. He stated that in the Nawaz Sharif case the then attorney-general had conceded that the only and major dispute in the Nawaz Sharif case was whether the president could dismiss the prime minister because a speech challenging him had been made. He said that in the present case no such parallel can be drawn. It was in view of this that even the Nawaz Sharif case was not applicable to the present controversy. The counsel pointed out that the other grounds mentioned in Nawaz Sharif case were hardly common except for the ground of maladministration. He submitted that as far as the ground of mal- administration was concerned, the Federation in the case of Nawaz Sharif could not come up with any positive evidence. He said there was corruption but there are levels of corruption. In the latter case, the president and the governor can dismiss the assembly on that ground alone. He invited the court's attention to the aspect of individual and collective material responsibility of the state. Admittedly, where a person of the status of the brother of the prime minister dies as a result of police killing or ambush, the state affairs can well be imagined. The chief justice also inquired of the counsel as to why the assembly was dissolved if only the government was found to be at fault, to which Farogh Naseem contended that the mechanism envisaged in the constitution is such that the assembly has to go if the government is at fault, while the court cannot supply any words in the regard. The chief justice inquired of Mr Naseem as to how one man could restrict the life of a democratically elected assembly, to which Farogh Naseem contended that it was quite possible for an assembly to lose its mandate even before the time for which it was elected. He pointed out that in 1988 Mr Junejo's government was dissolved but he was not elected in 1990. Similarly, Benazir Bhutto was dismissed and thereafter she was not elected but Nawaz Sharif was elected. Similarly, after Nawaz Sharif's government dismissal, he was not elected but Benzair Bhutto was elected. These events confirmed that the people had lost confidence in the respective governments even before the full term of the assembly could expire. At this the CJ said that a very strict interpretation should be given to Articles 58 (2) (b) and 112 (2) (b), to which Mr Naseem replied that this was not correct since after the exercise of power under Articles 58 (2)(b) by the president/government a one-man rule was not being imposed. On the contrary, the political sovereign, that is, the electorate was to express a further opinion, thereby ensuring a better accountability in democratic traditions. He also said the courts while deciding constitutional cases should afford such opinions which would be in consonance with the aspirations of the people since the decisions in constitutional cases are to be construed as part of the constitution and the constitution is to suit the genius of the people. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970121 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Aitzaz terms rejoinder false ------------------------------------------------------------------- Bureau Report ISLAMABAD, Jan 20: Counsel for former prime minister Benazir Bhutto informed the Supreme Court that President Farooq Leghari had submitted fictitious documents along with his reply and asserted that the court cannot look into such concocted documents. Resuming his arguments before a seven-member bench of the Supreme Court against the dissolution of the assembly and dismissal of PPP government, Aitzaz Ahsan mentioned a particular letter submitted by President Farooq Leghari written on Nov. 13, 1995 regarding an incident which occurred on Nov. 21. Another document had a date of Nov. 8 but related to an incident which occurred on Nov. 15. The rejoinder pointed out the false charges and documents proved by the president in the court specially the one in which he had claimed that a company, in which Asif Zardari's brother-in-law held an interest, was illegally allotted land by the Capital Development Authority. "The person referred to by the supporting documentation, Mir Munawwar Ali, is not Zardari's brother-in-law (Mir Munawwar Ali Talpur) but some one else," it said adding that only the names were similar. "The mere fact that the prime minister's spouse brother- in- law's name is similar to that of the alleged wrong-doer presumably does not justify the dissolution of the National Assembly." Referring to another document allegedly signed by Nahid Khan recommending employment for some one, the rejoinder said the letter on which the president had relied was a forged document and the criminals involved in forgery was currently being prosecuted. The petitioner's counsel went through 276 pages out of 5,000 to establish that these documents had no nexus with the dissolution of the assembly. Majority of these letters were lifted from the MQM's booklet "Genocide of Mohajir Community" which MQM had been distributing at international forums. Some documents pertained to the reports of the Amnesty International and Asia Watch, the human rights groups, on the situation in Karachi. In these documents, while these human rights organisations had expressed their concern over killings in Karachi, they had also mentioned the killings of innocent citizens by terrorists. The petitioner's counsel said the Amnesty International report pertained to 1995 when the conditions were not good. However, he said the report itself mentions that armed groups were involved in torture and kidnappings. "This report was released in August 1995. *From August 1995 to November 1996 he (the president) never wrote to the government that it had failed to save the citizens from targeted killings of armed groups. "And what are these armed opposition groups?" he asked and explained this was reference to MQM factions. He said the same report had also referred to the killings of innocent citizens and mentioned that mutilated bodies were found dump in many parts of the city. Aitzaz said most of the documents attached were mischief documents which are published by the non-governmental organisations to blackmail the government and get foreign aid. "If you have to dissolve the assembly on such reports then where is the sovereignty of the parliament?" He said the NGOs was a big racket and some people, who were provided aid, were deputed from abroad to prepare such documents which were not trust worthy. Another document, he mentioned, was sent to the president on Nov. 13, 1995. The petitioner's counsel asked why the president slept over the document and took no action from 1995 to 1996. The Chief Justice told him that the court did not have to solely rely on these documents while deciding the case. "This may be one of the documents in support," he noted and advised the petitioner's counsel just to tell the court whether any document was helpful to the president in forming his opinion or not. He said basically all the documents submitted by the president were un-signed documents. Aitzaz said these were un-substantiated allegations and quoted a full court decision in Nawaz Sharif case in which Justice Shafiur Rehman had held that unsubstantiated documents could hardly be sustained. The judge had noted that if such unsubstantiated were allowed to be entertained no government or assembly would stay more than few months. Many of the documents are newspaper clippings and articles written by different people. Aitzaz quoting the same full-court decision said the court had held that mere allegations in form of complaints or news reports were insufficient for dissolving the National Assembly. He contended that most of the material produced in the court by the president was not available to him before or at the time of the dissolution of the assembly. Had it been available to him, he would have written letters to the government but he never took any action. At this stage Khalid Anwar, who is representing the president, said that there was massive material. He said one could not expect that the president would dissolve the assembly only a day after receiving the material. The Chief Justice said that the court had understood his point that the president was part and parcel of the government and he did not protest at that time if any material was before him. Aitzaz Ahsan said it was strange of the president that he was questioning the government for bringing the Rangers to Karachi for restoring peace. "If we allow terrorism the government is dissolved for failing to combat terrorism and if we combat terrorism we are questioned why the government was combating terrorism?" Quoting Nawaz Sharif judgment, he said, mere allegations could not be considered a valid piece of evidence and recalled that there were allegations of corruption of billions of rupees against Nawaz Sharif but the court had not accepted those charges. "My case is much better than Nawaz Sharif. He (Nawaz Sharif) said in his speech that the president should be lynched. But the speeches, I am charged with, were nothing compared to that," he said indirectly referring to the charge of the president that Benazir Bhutto had ridiculed the judiciary in her speeches. He said irrelevant documents had been attached by the president and referred to a writ petition submitted by the president which was decided even before the PPP came into power. Earlier, when the court resumed hearing, Aitzaz took strong exception to the language used by President Farooq Leghari against Benazir Bhutto in his reply and said that several portions of his statement were "unpardonable". Aitzaz said the president had not written any letter to the prime minister complaining about the extra-judicial killings in Karachi. "Charges of custodial killings are baseless." He said the president had time and again publicly stated that peace had been restored in Karachi and requested the court not to go into each case of custodial killing. Aitzaz said there may be some high-handedness by the police but any wrong-doing of police cannot be contributed to the prime minister every time. "Ground of mishandling by police cannot be made a ground for dissolution of the assembly." DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970119 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Mir had named conspirators hours before he was killed ------------------------------------------------------------------- H. A. Hamied KARACHI, Jan 18: Mir Murtaza Bhutto in his last public address hours before he was killed in police action had named the people who had been conspiring against him and they were Asif Ali Zardari, Syed Abdullah Shah, the director-general of Intelligence Bureau, Masood Sharif, the deputy inspector-general of police, Karachi Range, Dr Shoaib Suddle; and the then SSP South, Wajid Ali Durrani. At a public meeting held in Surjani Town arranged by Maqbool Channa and members of the minority community, Murtaza Bhutto had named these people as those who were conspiring against him and others whose names have been mentioned in the last FIR lodged by one of the party supporter, Noor Mohammad. Abdullah Baloch, a member of the executive committee of PPP (SB), on Saturday testified before the three-member judicial tribunal inquiring into the causes of the death of Mir Murtaza and seven of his men on September 20, 1996. The tribunal comprises Justice Nasir Aslam Zahid, judge of the Supreme Court; Justice Amanullah Abbasi, and Justice (Dr) Ghous Mohammad, judges of the High Court of Sindh. The witness said the tape-recordings of the event are available with him in which Mir Murtaza had also said that if the authorities wanted him, they only have to produce a proper warrant of arrest and that he was ready to go with them, irrespective of the fact from what level of authority the orders have come from. Mr Baloch, a founder member of the PPP-SB said that Surjani Town meeting was organised by the local organisers and he was one of the speakers at the meeting. Others who spoke were Ashiq Hussain Jatoi, president Sindh PPP (SB); Malik Bagh, divisional president, and many others. Q: What time the meeting concluded at Surjani Town? A: at About 8:00 or 8:15 pm and from there I left for my home in Old Golimar. I received a phone call from 70- Clifton at about 9 pm or 9:15 pm, saying that the party chief and his men have been attacked by the police and he (Murtaza) has been taken to Mideast Medical Centre. My law office is next to my house and the message was received by my children. Then I rushed to 70-Clifton and from there to the hospital. Q: What did Mr Bhatti tell you about the incident? A: I was informed that a police party had attacked the motor cavalcade and being legally minded persons, we should look for an eyewitness to the incident and lodge a report with the police. We found Noor Mohammad there who was with Murtaza at the public meeting. Q: Did you go to the police station? A: We took Noor Mohammad and went to Clifton police station to lodge the report but the police refused to entertain our complaint, saying that they have no instructions from their seniors. Q: On the next morning did you go to see the place of the incident? A: Yes. But there was no signs of what had happened during the last few hours. Everything was cleaned up and there was no motor vehicles around the place. Q: Since when you knew Murtaza? A: When he returned to Pakistan and when he was appearing before the courts here. Q: Did Mir Murtaza mention at any time at party meetings that he is having opposition from any political opponents? A: He did not name any party by name but he always used to condemn Asif Zardari for his corrupt practices he was involved in. Q: Did he ever mention any danger to his life from foreign elements? A: No. Q: Did your party try to evaluate people around the party to see whether any of them were RAW agents? A: Mir Murtaza was always of the view that allegations had been made that there were RAW agents in his party and that these allegations were made by the government of Benazir Bhutto. If the allegations had any basis, Mir Murtaza was of the view that the government should charge them for the offences in the courts. The next witness was Dr Zahid Hussain Jatoi, a medical doctor and a landlord, younger brother of Ashiq Hussain Jatoi, who had been killed in the incident. He started his evidence by mentioning that Ashiq Jatoi was afraid of Durrani, who was the SP of Dadu in 1984, because at that time a gambling den was being operated with the connivance of the SP. My brother complained to the then martial law authorities and the place was raided on the orders of Brig Salim. We brothers were called by the SP of Dadu at that time and he was very rude to us because my brother had made a complaint to the brigadier. Durrani had said they should have told him about it rather than going to the brigadier. My brother had told him about the den but he did not listen to him. Since then the SP used to threaten us and in Karachi as the SSP (South) he used to threaten him on trivial matters. A day before the incident of Sept 20, SSP Durrani rang up 70- Clifton and wanted to speak to Mir Murtaza and he refused, he then talked to Ashiq. During that conversation, he threatened us for the bomb blasts that had occurred in Karachi three days earlier. He wanted to involve us in the bomb blast case, to which Ashique said we have nothing to do with it. Dr Zahid Jatoi, narrated the alleged sufferings of the family at the hands of the police for not giving them information about Ashiq Jatoi after the firing. >From 9 pm onwards and until 3:30 am of the next morning we were not told of the whereabouts of Ashiq Jatoi. He was not traceable in an injured condition in any of the hospitals nor his body was available in any of the mortuaries. We had been running from place to place and nobody gave us any information, until at 3:30 am or even later, six bodies arrived at the JPMC mortuary, and his brother's body was one of them. The family had searched for him at JPMC and AKUH and we had no access to the police stations and or the place of the incident, as these were out of bounds for us, although through the courtesy of Dr Abdul Ghaffar Jatoi and the DC (South), the search was made and each time we were told there is no trace of him. Several persons went to the JPMC mortuary and to the emergency ward to look for him, but each time they returned without any information. It was for the first time that Asghar Ali, the personal attendant of Mir Murtaza when he was brought to JPMC, told me with tears in his eyes that Murtaza had been killed and my brother was seriously injured. That was the first specific information about Ashiq Jatoi. I also saw Dr Mazhar Memon, another injured man from the same place, but he was not aware of Ashique. During these hectic and agonising period, my wife had been searching for my brother at AKUH and MEMC, but to no avail. At AKUH, she found ASP Shahid Hayat who had been taken there. Finally, when the bodies had been taken to the mortuary of JPMC, there was no electricity and the mortuary was closed and I got it opened with the courtesy of a doctor friend, Salim Kharal, but the bodies were not there. At 3:30 am the DC confirmed that the bodies were sent to JPMC, then all of us went there. I remained seated in the car and did not have the courage to enter the mortuary and identify the body of my brother. The identification was done by my driver and other relatives, including Dr Salim Kharal, who was known to me, and we were together in the same medical college. Then I went home to inform my parents. I returned at 4:30 am when sub-inspector Khurram Waris of Clifton PS arrived with police papers and he deeply regretted the incident, describing the action as a black spot for the police and it was the result of the action taken by the senior officers. The sub-inspector offered to help me in any way possible. I then asked him to locate the driver of my brother. At the mortuary, the MLOs and SI Khurram Waris also took my signatures for handing over of the body. Tribunal: Where were the bodies for six hours, they were either at the police station or on the scene of the incident? Witness: I was not even allowed to go to the two police stations and the scene of the incident in search of my brother. I don't have a complete answer to this question. On the orders of the special court, the police returned the wrist- watch and Rs 400 which were on the person of Ashiq Jatoi (Dec. 2). A gold ring and a chain in his neck were missing which were not returned given, and when I inquired of the police, they said some "Haram Khor" (dishonest parasite person) has taken away. The blue Pajero jeep which he (Ashiq) was driving with Mir Murtaza was also returned by the police minus a tape-recorder, a console box with a radio. An FIR was lodged with the police against them for stealing but the things have not been recovered so far. Dr Jatoi will appear again on Jan 21 to answer questions from Khawaja Sharful Islam, counsel for Wajid Ali Durrani. The third and last witness of the day was ASI Badar Alam, son of former SSP Khurshid Alam, whose services are placed with the Services and General Administration Department, government of Sindh. The 26-year-old witness said he took the six bodies in three ambulances and handed them over to another police officer at JPMC and returned. For full night, he was not aware what was happening around him, he did not talk to anybody, didn't hear anything and saw nothing about the incident. A tribunal member, Justice (Dr) Ghous Mohammad, described him as a patent liar. Working at the Clifton PS on the day of the incident he was not aware about it and who were involved and what happened until the next day. He had not made entries in the "Roznamcha" about his entry into the police station on duty and there was again no entry made when he left. He did not also made entries in the daily entries register when he took the six bodies to the hospital and neither it was entered that he was back from the hospital. According to the "Roznamcha" and the entries made, he was not on duty and that he should be marked absent from duty on that date, the tribunal remarked. The ASI when asked by the tribunal said he was making case diaries of old cases that night. When he was asked if he can produce anyone of them from the police station right then and he should go in a police mobile in the company of PDSP Shamim Husain, police liaison officer, to which he had no answer. The chairman of the tribunal observed that "we must make a recommendation that you should not be allowed to continue any longer as a police officer." One of the counsel suggested that he was not at the police station, he didn't go to the hospital with the bodies and with a mala fide intention had given wrong information or he was suppressing facts. According to the witness, there are 21 officers, 115 men and three mobiles in the jurisdiction of the Clifton police station. The tribunal adjourned the hearing of the witnesses of Murtaza's party nominees on point of conspiracy, after the evidence of Abdullah Baloch and Dr Zahid Hussain Jatoi. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970121 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Anonymous fax showed plot to eliminate politicians ------------------------------------------------------------------- H. A. Hamied KARACHI, Jan 20: Testifying before the Murtaza murder case tribunal, a leader of the PPP (SB) disclosed the existence of a telefax message which was being circulated at the highest levels, disclosing conspiracies involving several important personalities of the country, including the then prime minister, her brother Murtaza Bhutto, Masood Sharif and Chaudhry Shujaat etc. Dr Altaf Hussain Khawaja, a deputy Secretary-General of PPP (SB), made the disclosure about the fax and the first-ever meeting that took place in July last year between the prime minister and her brother. Dr Khawaja disclosed that there was a conspiracy to eliminate the top leadership of the PML, including the Chaudhry brothers, and that these decisions were taken at a meeting between the prime minister and her brother, Mir Murtaza, sometimes in July last year. The information was contained in a telefax message received by Mir Murtaza from his boyhood friend, Nagib Zaffar, in Islamabad. He was given that fax by Ms Rukhshana Bangash, who was then working in the Prime Minister's Secretariat. The fax was given to her by the prime minister and finally landed in Karachi in the hands of Murtaza through Mr Zaffar. According to the fax, Mir Murtaza was paid for and accordingly a hit squad of 10 was formed and one of them was Sajjad Jakhro, whose name was elaborated in detail. Answering a question from the tribunal, the witness said the prime minister got the fax from the Military Intelligence and it was generated by the MI and given to the PM and she gave it to Rukhsana and through Nagib it reached Mir Murtaza. Masood Sharif, the then director-general of the Intelligence Bureau, who was close to the then prime minister, paid Jakhro Rs 2.5 million to eliminate one of the Chaudhry brothers, and in the deal, one of Jakhro's men was released from jail, Dr Khwaja said. The witness went to Murtaza saying that the Chaudhrys are fearing that you might be eliminating them and that Sajjad Hyder Jakhro was recruited by the IB to eliminate the PML leadership. In this fax, the PM and Murtaza were together being involved. Mir Murtaza told me at a meeting that this kind of allegations are being made involving our own man, Sajjad Jakhro, (who was also killed in the Clifton incident) in the conspiracy. Murtaza told me that there was nothing like this and we can send Sajjad to them to clarify the position. The difference between Chaudhry Shujaat and the fax message was that Sajjad Jakhro is being recruited for this purpose by the IB and the fax says that the prime minister and Murtaza are plotting the murders. Masood Sharif, a close friend of the then prime minister, wanted that Murtaza be still branded as a terrorist and the Military Intelligence wanted that they (PM and Murtaza) should not get together. The witness further said there was a conspiracy to murder the then prime minister and her husband, Asif Ali Zardari, and (V. A.) Jaffery, and Ali Sonara was named as the conspirator. Ali Sonara was arrested in the early morning of September 17, 1997 on the charge of two bomb blasts in Karachi, which occurred 24 hours later and he was arrested a day before the blasts, which suggests a deep-rooted conspiracy. Q: Have you seen the fax sent by Nagib Zaffar? A: Yes. A copy of the fax was seen by me which did not say who had sent it to whom. It was merely a report floated by the official agencies. Q: You said the fax is with the police? A: Ishaque Khakwani, deputy secretary of the party for Punjab, had sent a copy to the police along with his statement under Section 161 CrPC in the murder case. Khakwani might be having copies, and perhaps Nagib Zaffar is also having a copy with him. Later, the tribunal heard three witnesses from the police who were called for verification of certain points. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970117 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Satellite services: PTCL clarification ------------------------------------------------------------------- Bureau Report ISLAMABAD, Jan 15: A spokesman of the Pakistan Telecommunication Company Limited(PTCL) has clarified the Dawn's January 14 and 12 reports that it has signed any contract for providing Satellite Services in Pakistan, or decided to retrench its 20,000 employees. The spokesman said in the case of the PanAmSat contract it was not the PTCL but probably Pakistan Telecommunications Authority which is the regulatory body dealing with communications services. He said that the PTCL was an operating company and issuing of licences for operating any telecommunication services does not fall under its purview. The regulatory body for issuance of such licences in Pakistan is Pakistan Telecom Authority(PTA) and not the PTCL. Our Staff Correspondent from Washington adds: The PTCL spokesman is right as the name of the organisation which has signed the contract with PanAmSat is Pakistan Telecommunications Authority and not PTCL, as inadvertently reported. PanAmSat has in turn signed contracts with Pakistani firms Acsys Ltd, Comstar-ISA and Fascom Systems. Likewise, the spokesman said that there the PTCL was not considering any proposal to retrench its 20,000 employees. He said that the PTCL was a growing organisation and was making substantial additions to its network every year. In a situation like this, the question of large scale reduction of staff does not arise. He stated that the terms and conditions of PTCL employees are fully protected under the Pakistan Telecommunication (RE-organisation) Act, 1996 and Service Regulation introduced last year. As such their services cannot be terminated arbitrarily. However, the spokesman did not say a word about the circular issued by the PTCL on Dec. 16 (office memo No.E.30-10-96) for abolishing 726 posts on the basis of which a plan has been made on the instructions of the caretakers to remove 17,000 to 20,000 employees. The circular seeking abolishing 726 posts from grade one to grade 18 has been held in abeyance for two weeks by another circular following large scale protests and surrounding of the office of the new PTCL chairman Nasim Mirza recently. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970121 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Khattak wants govt not to cancel SPTV licence ------------------------------------------------------------------- Bureau Report ISLAMABAD, Jan 20: Chief of the Air Staff Air Marshal Muhammad Abbas Khattak has requested the caretakers not to cancel the license of Shaheen-Pay TV (SPTV) insisting that it would not only have a serious negative fallout on Shaheen Foundation, but would also send wrong signals to foreign investors. The air chief made this request to the government through a letter addressed to the additional secretary in-charge, ministry of information, Abu Shamim Ariff. In his letter dated January 2, Khattak said that if the previous government had granted the licence in total disregard to laid down procedures, Shaheen Foundation cannot be blamed for that nor should it be made to suffer at this stage of the enterprise. He asked Ariff to bring these points to the knowledge of the cabinet and added, "I am confident that no rash decision would be taken which might have negative repercussions later." Khattak wrote this letter in response to government's intimation to him that the licence of the SPTV might be cancelled. The caretakers contacted him because Khattak had also written a letter to former prime minister Benazir Bhutto requesting her to grant permission to run a local channel to augment FM transmission with AM radio stations for 'external projection'. In his latest letter, the air chief said that Shaheen Foundation (SF) entered into a joint venture agreement with Pay TV only because the project, besides being economically viable, fitted ideally into the business plan of SF as it promised to provide many jobs to retired PAF technicians and officers. The SPTV, he said, has since set up a fairly large infrastructure at major cities in Pakistan, has acquired a transponder on Asia Sat II and has entered into agreements with several overseas broadcasters/programme distributors. According to Khattak, over 50,000 households have bought LNB receivers for SPTV MMDs broadcasts. Khattak believes that the cancellation of licence will affect the SF in following ways: a large amount of welfare funds that have been invested and were expected to begin giving returns from this year onwards would be wiped out; job opportunities for over 100 retired PAF personnel would dry up; the confidence of foreign joint-venture partners in our other projects like Aircraft Maintenance and Overhaul Depot and Shaheen Air Lines would be undermined; and SF would be shunned by foreign investors as our credibility could receive a serious blow. He added, "The cancellation of the project whose 50 percent shareholding is that of foreign investor would also send negative signals to other prospective investors. Similarly, non- performance of SPTV contracts with Asia Sat and other foreign companies would give adverse publicity to Pakistan's investment climate. Moreover, one of the ministers of the caretaker government has already filed a case in the apex court against SPTV and a unilateral decision by the government in a case which is subjudice would cast aspersions on the intentions of the government and would be construed as personal vendetta." He urged the government to view the role of SPTV in the larger strategic plan as it is also airing Pakistan's viewpoint in Europe. "Therefore, it may be appropriate to allow SPTV to present its future vision and strategic plan to the policy planners, before any decision is taken."

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BUSINESS & ECONOMY

970121 ------------------------------------------------------------------- GDP grows at 5% in first three years ------------------------------------------------------------------- Ihtashamul Haq ISLAMABAD, Jan 20: The mid-plan review of the Eighth five-year Plan (1993-98), released on Monday presents a dismal picture of the economy which remained well below the target at the aggregate level, but admits that GDP grew at the rate of 5 percent and agriculture sector registering a growth rate of 5.9 percent. However the mid-review expressed concern over the manufacturing sector, whose growth rate fell below to 4.5 percent against the target of 9.9 per cent. The large-scale manufacturing grew at the rate of only 2.6 per cent compared to the plan target of 10.5 percent partly due to delay in the completion of new projects which were envisaged to enhance the productive capacity of the manufacturing sector and partly due to unsatisfactory law and order situation in the country. The performance on the investment front has not been very encouraging. The total fixed investment of Rs 255.7 billion in 1993-94, Rs 260.1 billion in 1994-95 and Rs 294.0 billion in 1995- 96 at 1992-93 prices have been below their respective targets of Rs 276.3 billion, Rs 304.5 billion and Rs 338.0 billion. Moreover, the sectoral composition of investment has not been consistent with the priorities laid down in the Plan, especially in the private sector, for example in energy sector investment target of Rs 49.5 billion (in 1992-93) was envisaged during 1993-96, whereas actual investment amounted only to Rs 17.1 billion. Similarly, Rs 19.6 billion worth of investment has been made in transport and communications sector against the target of 74.3 billion. However, services and ownership of dwellings sector witnessed an achievement of 138 percent and 116 percent respectively. Against the Eight Plan private sector investment target of Rs 948.4 billion (1992-93 prices), the actual achievement during the first three years of the Plan amounted to Rs 439.8 billion (1992-93) prices showing an achievement of 46.4 per cent of the Eight Plan target. This achievement was un-evenly spread across the sectors. In the energy sector, about 13.2 percent of the investment target was met in 1993-94; there has been a rather significant increase in investment in the energy sector. A significant achievement has been recorded in the services (100.1 percent) and ownership of dwellings (77.8 percent). In the agriculture and manufacturing sectors, the achievement has been recorded at 58.7 percent and 54.2 percent of the Eighth Plan target respectively. As proportion of GDP however, the private investment decreased from 10.0 percent in 1992-93 to 9.4 percent in 1994-95 (1992-93 prices) but improved again to 10.7 percent in 1995-96. To attract the prospective investors, both within and outside the country, a number of incentives and policy reforms were introduced. Almost all areas of economic activity were opened to the private sector. The government has resorted to privatisation of the state- owned enterprises and financial institutions and so far 89 enterprises, including banks, have been privatised. Against the Eighth Plan target of Rs 130.1 billion in 1993-94, Rs 132.3 billion in 1994-95 and Rs 148.9 billion in 1995-96, public sector investment was Rs 117.5 billion, Rs 123.9 billion and Rs 128.6 billion respectively. Thus in the first three years of the Eighth Plan, the public sector fixed investment stood at Rs 370.0 billion showing an achievement of 49.4 percent. FISCAL POLICY: The overall fiscal performance during the first three years of the Eight Plan indicates that total revenues (including SAP financing) of Rs 755.4 billion (1992-93 prices) were 17.3 per cent of the GDP compared to the target of 19.8 per cent for the entire plan period of five years. Likewise, the total expenditure of Rs 1015.6 billion (1992-93 prices) was 23.2 per cent of GDP as against the Eight Plan target of 24.8 per cent. This reduction of 1.6 per cent of GDP in total expenditure had been due to reductions of 0.4 per cent in current expenditure and 1.2 per cent in development expenditure. On this basis, the overall fiscal deficit registered a decline from 8.0 per cent of GDP in 1992-93 to an average of 5.9 per cent of GDP during the first three years of the Plan, with achievements of 5.9 per cent, 5.6 per cent and 6.3 per cent in 1993-94, 1994-95 and 1995-96 respectively. The government has thus succeeded in bringing about a significant improvement in fiscal management during the period under review. MONETARY POLICY: The strategy of restraining monetary expansion to 12.0 per cent per annum so as to reduce inflationary pressure while at the same time catering to the credit needs of the private sector was carried out during the Plan period. However, the government was unable to restrict the growth of monetary expansion to the Plan target. Money supply grew at an average rate of 16.1 per cent during the period, which though showing a steep fall from the benchmark, far exceeds the Plan target as well as much higher than the real growth of the economy, thereby increasing the inflationary gap. However, the actual monetary expansion during 1995-96 was achieved at the rate 14.91 per cent, compared to 18.0 per cent in the benchmark 1992-93. Domestic credit increased to Rs 299.7 billion compared to a target of Rs 236.6 billion, showing an annual average growth rate of 26.7 per cent. However, the government sector credit expanded by 30.8 per cent higher than the target i.e. Rs 98.6 billion against the target of Rs 75.4 billion. Credit to private sector including credit to public sector commercial corporations, was 7.5 per cent higher than the level of the targets for the three years of the Plan. PRICES: The Eighth Plan envisaged to bring the rate of inflation down from 9.3 per cent to 6.5 per cent by the end of the Plan period. However, during the first three years of the Plan, the inflation rate accelerated to 11.2 per cent, 13.0 per cent and 10.8 per cent respectively. Thus the average for three years was around 11.7 per cent. The basic cause of the inflation has been supply bottlenecks and higher money supply than targeted. Foreign Trade and Payments: The implementation of Eighth Plan coincided with radical changes in global economy, necessitating host of new reforms and adjustment in domestic policies. All these unforeseen developments had far reaching effects on Pakistan's balance of payments position. During the first three years of the Plan, several fundamental reforms were launched in the external sector of the economy. Under the managed floating exchange rate system, the exchange rate has been brought close to its equilibrium value. Restrictions on foreign exchange transactions and keeping foreign exchange accounts in the country have been removed completely. Imports have been considerably liberalised. The maximum tariff ceiling on imports has been reduced to 65 per cent. Negative and restricted lists of imports were reduced to only those items which are justified on security, religious and social considerations. In short, under the Plan, Pakistan's economy has been opened and plugged into the world market. The exports (f.o.b.) during the first three years increased, on an average, by 8.9 per cent per annum against the target of 12.5 percent in nominal dollar terms while the imports (f.o.b.) rose by 7.1 percent per annum as compared to the target of 7.5 percent; the cumulative deficit in the trade account surpassed the Plan target by 70.2 percent. As a result of improvement in invisibles account, the current account deficit was contained at 4.8 percent of GDP against the target of 3.9 percent of GDP. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970122 ------------------------------------------------------------------- SBP given further autonomy ------------------------------------------------------------------- Staff Reporter KARACHI, Jan 21; The Federal Government promulgated on Tuesday three ordinances to amend the Bank Nationalisation Act 1974, Banking Companies Ordinance 1962 and State Bank of Pakistan Act 1956. Enforced after considerable delay, these ordinances provide legal cover to the financial sector reforms spelt out in detail by President Farooq Leghari in his December 25 speech. These reforms aim at providing greater autonomy to the State Bank of Pakistan to ensure monetary stability and financial soundness, government's consultation with State Bank Governor on appointment of presidents and chairmen of board of directors of the banks. The State Bank has also been vested with authority to provide necessary guidance in relation to activities which could have implications for the monetary or credit policies of the Central Bank to institutions including ICP, NIT, HBFC, NDFC, BEL, Pak-Libya Holding Company, PICIC Saudi Pak Industrial and Agricultural Investment Company Limited, SBFC, RDFC, investment finance companies, venture capital companies and such more companies which carry out banking business. However, leasing companies and Modarabas have been exempted from the application of the provisions of the ordinance. The Central Board of State Bank will henceforth formulate and monitor monetary and credit policy after taking into account the targets set by the federal government for growth, inflation and revenue generation. The SBP Governor has been authorised to take measures in emergency situations but would have to report to the Central Board for approval. The Governor would now have powers to determine the limit of credit for the federal government, provincial governments and other official agencies. A significant feature is the submission of a quarterly report by the State Bank Governor to the parliament on the affairs of national economy with particular reference to economic growth, money supply, credit, balance of payments and prices. Another amendment made in the State Bank of Pakistan Act 1956 bars any governmental or quasi governmental institution to issue any directive to any banking company which is inconsistent with the policies, regulation and directives of the Central Bank. Bankers consider this amendment to effectively check the pressures brought about by the government in previous years on nationalised commercial banks to finance yellow cabs, yellow houses, green tractors, forestation and beautification of cities programmes. Under the amendment made in the Banks Nationalisation Act 1974, the Pakistan Banking Council also stands dissolved after functioning for over 12 years during which it carried out coordination between the banks and the government, monitor the banks and reported to government periodically on the performance of government controlled banks and financial institutions. "State Bank is simply taking over assets of about Rs 600 million from the PBC without any liability," a senior officer of the Council informed Dawn on telephone. He said that PBC has set up a National Institute of Banking and Finance (NIBAF) in Islamabad to carry out advance courses in banking. The real estate worth of NIBAF is said to be about Rs 350 to Rs 400 million. The Council has also invested more than Rs 200 million in various tax free investment schemes now being taken over by the State Bank. PBC has at present 150 staff drawn from three NCBs. It has an annual budget of about Rs 450 million which was contributed in equal shares by the three NCBs. Under the ordinance, all staff will go to parent bank. However fate of Mr Azizullah Memon who is the senior most banker in M1 grade and is past president of United Bank is still to be decided. The ordinance also provides a fix tenure of three years for the presidents of the NCBs to be appointed by the federal government in consultation with the State Bank. Henceforth chairmen of the board of directors will be appointed to frame policies for the banks. These ordinance will require ratification of the National Assembly to be elected on February 3. On expiry of the maturity period these ordinances will cease to be law unless adopted by the National Assembly. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970117 ------------------------------------------------------------------- NIT-ICP merger strongly supported ------------------------------------------------------------------- Muhammad Ilyas ISLAMABAD, Jan 16: The idea of merging the National Investment Trust and Investment Corporation of Pakistan prior to privatisation has received strong support from the relevant Task Force during its four-day deliberations, according to an informed source. It was the majority view among members of the Task Force that these separate organisations cannot withstand any competition from the much bigger players from foreign markets. The argument in favour of their merger is reinforced by the fact that the two organisations, acting separately, have failed to reverse the bearish trend persisting in the stock market for more than three years. In that process, tens of billions of rupees of the investors have remained locked up, without their being able to do anything about it, the source remarked. He acknowledged that the ICP and NIT had played a yeoman's role in the development of the stock market in Pakistan over a quarter century. However, ever since the on-set of liberalisation and de- regulation, they have been unable on account of lack of requisite skills and resources to hold their own against the international fund managers. ICP and NIT have failed to keep pace with the times because, answerable only to the Ministry of Finance, they are basically bureaucratic set-ups without the kind of professionalism and reflexes necessary for operating efficiently and profitably in a free market. Thus ICP made profits only when it floated small funds amounting to, say, Rs 5 million. The source cited the unfortunate experience of its fund called "Prism". When its subscribers clamoured for dividend, it was contended by ICP that this was the first mutual fund which guaranteed the return of the capital and that this capital was blocked up in the stock market owing to the prolonged slump. In this regard, an efficient private sector organisation would have divided it between fixed securities and the stock market so that the entire capital was not stuck up  a situation now prevailing to the detriment of the hapless investors. The merged NIT-ICP would be rendered more attractive for a buyer company because it would thereby become a member of boards of directors of over 200 companies and thus be in a position to influence their decision-making, a privilege foregone by the NIT for the reasons that were obviously far from altruistic. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970120 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Banks not encashing NIT units ------------------------------------------------------------------- LAHORE, Jan 19: President, Lahore Stock Exchange, Khwaja Hamid Saeed, expressed his grave concern over the refusal of banks to encash the National Investment Trust units. In a statement, he said, banks are not encashing the NIT units for five, ten, fifty and hundred which, he feared, shows that banks have not enough money in this regard. He said people have invested billions of rupees in NIT units and the prevailing situation is very grim. He said if the people lost their investment in NIT, it will breach the trust of the people and would be a bad omen for the general investment culture of the country as the people are subjected to different scams one after the other. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970122 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Stocks pass through dull session ------------------------------------------------------------------- Staff Reporter KARACHI, Jan 21: Stocks passed through a dull session as attendance in the rings was thin owing to strike called by a religious group to mourn the death of Lahore bomb blast victims. Although the trading hall remained opened there were not many buying and selling offers. An idea of sluggishness and investor disinterestedness may well be had from the fact that only 11 shares came in for trading, out of the 783, with nine finishing lower and only one gaining only five paisa. One remained static. Volume hit the below one million share mark, reflecting the investors reluctance to indulged in trading. The KSE 100-share index fell 2.94 points at 1,429.63 as compared to 1,432.57 a day earlier as base shares fell further. The KSE all share index also showed a modest decline of 1.44 points at 904.99 as compared to 906.43 a day earlier. Owing to fresh pruning in the pivotals, the market capitalisation also suffered a fall of Rs 703.136m at Rs 444.339 bn as compared to 445.042 bn a day earlier. Price movements were highly fractional and reflected that buyers and sellers were just filling in the gaps but there was no genuine effort to pick up stocks of choice at the falling prices. That was perhaps why the highest gain was of five paisa only and loss one rupee, telling that there was no genuine activity. The gain was noted in Dhan Fibre, which was traded higher by five paisa at Rs 5.15 on a business of 36,000 shares. Among the losers, BRR Modaraba 1 and 11 were leading, which fell by one rupee each followed by PTC vouchers, Hub-Power, Bank of Punjab and FFC-Jordan Fertiliser, falling by 20 to 30 paisa each. Dewan Salman and ICI Pakistan also suffered fall of 15 paisa each on renewed selling. Trading volume fell to 0.706m shares, bulk of which went to the credit of PTC vouchers, off 30 paisa on 0.250m shares followed by Hub-Power, easy 25 paisa on 0.225m shares. Other actively traded shares were led by Dewan Salman, lower 15 paisa on 90,000 shares followed by ICI Pakistan, easy 15 paisa on 65,000 shares, FFC- Jordan, lower 20 paisa on 35,000 shares, and Bank of Punjab down 20 paisa on 5,000 shares. There was no physical business in Al-Meezan Mutual Fund, BRR Modaraba 1 and 11 and Ibrahim Modaraba, which were traded lower by five paisa to one rupee, with Ibrahim Modaraba remaining pegged at the last close of Rs 3.50. ------------------------------------------------------------------- SUBSCRIBE TO HERALD TODAY ! ------------------------------------------------------------------- Every month the Herald captures the issues, the pace and the action, shaping events across Pakistan's lively, fast-moving current affairs spectrum. Subscribe to Herald and get the whole story. 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EDITORIALS & FEATURES

970117 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Ehtesab or Intekhab ?  6 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Ardeshir Cowasjee THE '1995-96 Survey' of the International Institute of Strategic Studies comments on Benazir's second government and on the role of the Pakistan Army: "In Pakistan, the army has the final say in the power troika of the army chief, the president and the prime minister. Analysts there generally believe that the army allowed Bhutto to return to power because it desperately needed new arms supplies from the US and believed that only Bhutto could break the ice with Washington.... "Given the crucial role of the army in Pakistan's power structure, the retirement of an army chief and the selection of his replacement is always of great interest and frequently a matter of fierce in-fighting. Traditionally, chiefs have been reluctant to quit. But not only did General Abdul Waheed Kakar retire gracefully in December 1995, he has thus far stayed out of politics. His successor, General Jehangir Karamat, has evoked no controversy and he too has a reputation for being a tough, no- nonsense professional with no interest in domestic politics. The importance of this for a civilian prime minister cannot be over- estimated." In this country, there is no such thing as 'free and fair' elections. Democracy is an elusive myth. Much wrong, and no right, is done to the people, in the name of the people. Elected representatives are expected to legislate; here they do not. During Benazir's second round of three years, only one significant act was enacted. The Abolition of Whipping Act. The 43 other acts passed related to amendments of existing legislation, many of which concerned the augmentation of the perks and privileges accorded to our parliamentarians which, needless to say, were all unanimously approved. Rather than legislate, Benazir preferred to govern by 'advising' President Leghari to promulgate ordinances, which he did, obliging her 335 times. The President dissolved the assembly on November 5, and the people were with him. To them, he was the lesser evil of the trio  Benazir and Nawaz being the other two. The people's acceptance seems to have prompted him to project himself as the cleanest of the clean. The Mehran Bank affair, the Balochistan land affair, his grand lifestyle etc, etc have raised doubts in many minds. One large doubt: had he not been president, would he have managed to repossess the 29,000 acres taken over by the government in the 1972 land reforms? Right now there is an on-going argument about who exactly decided to form the Council for Defence and National Security. All concerned deny that they were the prime movers. The fact remains that it now exists, and is firmly hitched to the cabinet. However, General Jehangir Karamat has reportedly stated that if a newly voted-in government wishes to disband the Council, he and his army will have no objections. It is difficult to imagine that this can actually happen, circumstances being what they are and what they are likely to be. Some have held that there was no necessity for this CDNS as there already exists a Defence Committee of the Cabinet which can well take care of the defence and security needs, although it has so far not been taken seriously. For instance, in 1984 the DCC imposed a ban on the construction of any additional tanks for oil and liquid storage in the oil tank farm area of the Karachi harbour, near the entrance to the Keamari wharves. This was done for the safety and security of the strategically vital port and harbour. In 1995, Naval headquarters in Islamabad, with the concurrence of the then Chairman of the Karachi Port Trust, permitted two political nominee companies, (Al-Rahim Trading and ZY) to construct liquid storage tanks in the prohibited area. Despite the DCC ban, not one naval man, not one KPT man raised an objection. Why? Such an action does not enhance the professionalism or image of the Pakistan Navy. Neither does the laying of a polo field at naval base PNS Karsaz, merely to please Asif, at the cost of crores of rupees of Naval funds. Neither does the selling of 100 acres (some 500,000 sq. yds) of prime land of the naval base PNS Nathiagali, covering the entire strategic sea front near Cape Monze, to Asif- crony Tufail Shaikh at Rs 6 per sq. yd (can one buy a yard of cotton cloth for this price?). Last month, Vice-Admiral Tauquir Naqvi felt compelled to resign. He wrote: ".... I have come to the sad conclusion that even though I have three years to go before super-annuation I no longer find it an honourable course to serve under the present chief of the naval staff... I find that his manipulative style of leadership is not in consonance with the highest tradition of military leadership..." Now to the subject at hand. As the days pass, none, other than Nawaz and those who hope to benefit, want elections before the accountability process is completed. The majority want neither Nawaz nor Benazir. They do not wish to go through yet another election, rigged this time in Nawaz's favour, which will burden them yet again with the same corrupt men sitting in their assemblies. They do not look forward to another dissolution in six months time. They fear that elections before their time may lead to the ultimate imposition of martial law. This feeling is not indigenous. The Times, the mouthpiece of the Mother of Parliaments in London, on January 8 editorialised under the heading, "Time for Pakistan  Delaying elections may be better than it appears": ".... When he dismissed Benazir Bhutto and her Government last November, President Leghari was acting well within his constitutional rights. He could also claim to be acting in the country's best interests; the nation's finances were in a terrible state and Ms Bhutto was ever resistant to his demands for a crackdown on the rampant political corruption to which the financial crisis is linked.... "....A time-limited delay of the February elections would not necessarily be as damaging to Pakistani democracy as it seems. The two leading contenders have both been dismissed from office on corruption charges; three months was always too short a time for credible choices to emerge from such polluted political machinery. "Time would also allow the interim Government to toughen up its accountability law, intended to disqualify politicians guilty of corruption. It was hastily drafted and has allowed too many big fish to slip through its meshes. In particular, there is need to tighten the new rules designed to bar politicians who have damaged the country's banking system by declining to repay massive personal loans to which nothing but their political influence entitled them." The people say, let there be a time-limited delay in the holding of elections. Article 58(2)(b) provides for an appeal to the electorate. Article 48(6) permits the President "in his discretion or on the advice of the Prime Minister" (the advice being binding) to hold a referendum. Can the President not ask the people if they wish for a time-limited delay in the holding of elections (say, a period of 15 months) which would give him and his team (a changed team, he should get rid of the known rotters) time to strengthen the accountability laws and complete the process? From the highest to the lowest in the land, the feeling is that these elections are being held far too soon. The Chief Justice of Pakistan is all for accountability and has stated that the 90 days period is "too inadequate for completing the accountability process" (Dawn Jan 13). If, as it seems clear they will, the people vote for a time-limited delay, the Nawazians, the anxious hopeful beneficiaries, may go to court in protest. Let the CJ and his brethren then give their verdict. Why is the President so keen on no accountability, why is he letting the political and bureaucratic looters and robbers escape scot free? If he wishes to absolve the criminals, let him be even- handed. Let him calculate the total amount of money robbed, perhaps by some out of need, by those ordinary citizens who have been convicted and are in our jails for their crimes, and the total amount robbed by the elected representatives and their bureaucratic aiders and abetters. The former amount will be laughable, negligible, in comparison with the latter. If the grand larcenists are not to be touched, if they are to remain free, by all that is fair and right the petty larcenists in our jails must also be set free. There is only one law, and it covers the mighty and the lowly alike. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970118 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Promises aplenty, with issues missing ------------------------------------------------------------------- THE economic crisis the country faces is severe. Yet the main political parties which are seeking a mandate to govern for the next five years have a very casual and routine approach to the problems faced by the national economy. The PPP and PML(N) have each ruled the country for three years and two-and-a-half years respectively since 1990 and both have failed to resolve the crisis. They were dismissed more or less on similar charges. In view of this experience, they were expected to educate the people about the true nature of the economic malaise and suggest tangible solutions. Instead they have presented the voters with a catalogue of wishes and illusions. They have promised to do what they did not do in the past. If some of the promised measures were adopted, they failed to realise the promised goals. Surprisingly, the two parties have not even tried to explain their failures. Notwithstanding the present crisis, Pakistan's economy is basically sound and resilient. For this it has to thank its solid agricultural base and manpower infrastructure. The root cause of all the economic ills is the budget deficit and the adverse balance of payments. In other words, it is our national habit of over consumption that has devastated us. The bulk of the federal government's revenues (about 85 percent) is consumed by two items  debt-servicing and defence. The problem of the balance of payments too is aggravated by the debt-servicing. Only 15 percent of the state's revenues are left to run the entire civil administration and undertake essential development work. Evidently these resources are not sufficient and only drastic cuts in expenditure or increase in revenues are the two available alternatives to balance the budget. The first one cannot even be attempted as defence and debt-servicing are considered unavoidable expenses which are not open to public scrutiny. Reduction in public expenditure on other items can at best be marginal and would not make any substantial impact on overall revenue spending. But at the same time these cuts would add considerably to the distress of the people through loss of jobs, reduction in already meagre social services and abolition of subsidies on essential items. The other alternative  that of raising revenues through additional taxes  is being attempted for several years without any success. The reason is that the economic groups who have fabulous incomes and wealth have no desire to pay taxes and the political parties do not have the will to take them on. The feudal classes, businessmen, professionals and underground business tycoons defy the state with total impunity. The additional taxes imposed in the current year will amount to Rs 60 billion, inclusive of utility charges. But they will not make any change in the tax-GDP ratio which remains the same as it was a decade ago. It is because of the fact these additional levies operate under the law of diminishing returns. New taxes raise the burden of those who are already paying them and new tax payers are not roped in. Similarly bank loan defaulters have defied all attempt at repayment. The political governments as well as the all-powerful caretakers have totally failed on both counts. The party platforms are ominously silent on how they intend to deal with these twin problems. The PPP has hinted at a third alternative which has so far remained a forbidden subject because the international lenders do not want even a mention of it. It is the rescheduling of foreign debts. Pakistan's economy, by all accounts, is basically sound. Its difficulties are temporary for which the international lending agencies are also partly responsible. They overlooked, rather encouraged, mismanagement so long as the then governments served their interests in the cold war years. These accumulated loans and continued expanded overspending are the legacies of that period. With the neglect of the existing assets and the failure to create new assets, the country could not enhance its repayment capacity. Now a period of respite is needed. Under these circumstances all promises of raising education and health budgets, to eradicate poverty, eliminate illiteracy and disease are meaningless. Similarly the assurances of making provision of cheap credit for industry or arranging special relief packages for special economic groups lack credibility. Such gimmicks are immediately neutralised, even if attempted, as in the case of the caretakers, by increases in utility charges and cost of social services and the trimming of essential development projects. The platforms of the parties, especially the major ones, would have carried weight if they had devoted space to measures to gear up national efforts to mobilise more resources and to soften up resistance of the powerful vested interests against tax payment, the documentation of the economy and loan repayment. Instead the emphasis of the major parties is on more liberalisation and deregulation of the economy and privatisation of the large enterprises. The objectives of these broad policy measures are not so much to benefit the economy as to clear the way for more loans in the immediate future. One is disappointed with the poverty of new ideas in the programmes of the political parties. The PML(N) plans to bring the prices of agricultural produce gradually in line with international prices on the basis of export prices. No similar assurance is given in respect of the price of labour, the most important element in agriculture. Unless all factors are remunerated at that level, and that is possible only with the enhancement of productivity, it will bring disaster. The PPP promises to discontinue all perks of civil servants and fix only cash emoluments. It is a very sound principle in a democratic set-up but the question arises why this was not attempted when it was in office. Similar questions may be asked about the promise to abolish the contract labour system. What is heartening is the fact that both PML(N) and PPP have promised to adopt Orangi Pilot Project as a model for neighbourhood management and the mobilisation of grassroots development endeavours. For country-wide efforts, democratically elected local self government institutions, with constitutional guarantees of continuity and fiscal powers, are a requisite for the success of such projects. But local bodies do not figure as an important component in either of the major parties' manifestos. Only MQM, for the reason of its being solely urban based, gives enough importance to these institutions. In the 1993 election manifesto the PPP had devoted much space to the devolution of powers to the lowest level but this time the subject has been downgraded to insignificance. None of the parties speaks of the fundamental cause of corruption in the revived parliamentary system of governance in the country. It is the fractionalisation of the development programme, put under the charge of MNAs and MPAs that has opened floodgates of corruption. It acts against a strategy of coordination and prioritisation on the basis of the economy's needs. This malady is the continuing consequence of the 1985 non-party elections when members were, by necessity, disciplined by offering them inducements such as allocation of development funds. Now these funds have become, by tradition, part of the rights and privileges of the members. As members' projects escape proper technical scrutiny and economic return criteria they adversely affect the overall development programme and also give rise to corrupt practices. It was time that the parties should have voluntarily offered to abandonment of this practice in their programmes. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970121 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Reversing decline of governance ------------------------------------------------------------------- Dr Maqbool Ahmad Bhatty A GREAT deal has been written about accountability over the past couple of months, and a significant proportion of the thinking public appears to favour the weeding out of those politicians and civil servants whose record does not stand up to minimum standards of integrity. Accountability, of course, pertains to past acts, among which abuse of authority, and misuse of government funds are the main considerations for punitive action, which is designed as much as retribution as deterrence for the future. However, a critical appraisal of the standards of governance, and of the accelerating pace of deterioration in those standards is even more essential, since a great deal of what is wrong with our system can be traced to a precipitous decline in the quality of governance in Pakistan since our independence. Over the past fifty years, the assumption of authority by our own people has not produced any real improvement in attitudes towards the common man, who has come to dread any contact with state institutions, that have proliferated, but have also progressively deteriorated owing basically to the lack of any concept of officials being "public servants." The proliferation has been due to the assumption of many additional functions by the state, ostensibly to improve the quality of life, but the persistence of bureaucratic attitudes, accompanied by lack of accountability, have led the man in the street to see government officials as petty tyrants, an image which government employees from Naib Qasids upwards appear to relish. Indeed, the aura of authority, and of power, remains the main attraction of government service, accompanied by the opportunities to amass wealth, through the misuse of the power and authority, wherever possible. In addition, having an official position is helpful for getting those routine things done which become a source of bother to the ordinary citizen. As we open, hopefully, a new chapter of our national life, with increased emphasis on accountability, there is a concomitant task of improving the quality of governance in the country. The state apparatus has evolved over the ages and its three accepted components  the legislature, the executive and the judiciary  provide a framework designed to make the life of the citizens safe, secure and as happy as possible. A concept has emerged over the centuries, of the state being responsible for the welfare of the citizens and for safeguarding their fundamental rights, to which Islam made a major contribution. Corruption seems to have seeped into practically all walks of life in Pakistan, mainly because wealth has become the main criterion for distinction, rather than righteous living as expressed in the word "taqwa", which means shaping one's conduct on the fear of God. Indeed the "momin" is expected to be constantly aware of his mortality, after a short span on this earth, and to shape his conduct on the basis of accountability on the "Day of Judgment." At the same time, Islam recognises that human beings are prone to temptation, and the Islamic state is required to put in place a system of governance that punishes criminals and law-breakers who violate the rights and steal or exploit the possessions of others. If this ideology, to which most of us subscribe publicly, were taken seriously, we would not be bogged down the way we are in a society where the worst features inherited from the caste system of the sub-continent, and of a colonial past appear to prevail. The institutional arrangements being put in place to enforce greater accountability are an imperative necessity, and would help prevent the worst excesses that have come to notice. However, the decline of standards of governance, and the pervasive culture of denying rights unless they can be secured through connections or corruption need to be tackled through a comprehensive set of measures. One measure that was taken some fifteen years ago was the establishment of the office of "Ombudsman" or "Wafaqi Muhtasib" at the Federal Capital. Though its jurisdiction was limited to the Federal Government institutions, it did provide a means of redress. It is a measure of the half-heartedness of our rulers that though the step was taken by General Zia-ul-Haq during the period he enjoyed absolute powers, the institution was not replicated in the provinces, until much later, and still does not exist in all of them. Models of good governance abound, specially in the developed countries, such as Japan, the UK and the Scandinavian countries. Pakistanis who live in those countries, or visit them, point out the tension-free character of dealings with the government departments, in which courtesy and helpfulness are the order of the day. There is seldom any obstruction or delay, and whether it is some formality such as renewal of a passport or licence, or a more complex transaction involving property or taxes, there is very little hassle over an untraceable file, or an absent functionary. The basic approach is businesslike, and the officials concerned are not out to demonstrate their authority by insisting on some routine or formality, and there is consideration for the fact that citizens have rights, and that their time is valuable. Taxes are paid and received without too much fuss. The authorities dealing with law and order are also both approachable and helpful. So, with good governance, the citizens get their problems solved with the assistance of courteous and helpful officials. There is respect for the law, and its enforcers, and an environment of security and peace is achieved, with citizens paying their taxes for the services that are manifestly extended to them. When we cast a look at the manner in which the government machinery functions in Pakistan, the picture is far from edifying. Inefficiency is the order of the day, since merit has become a secondary consideration owing to the prevalence of political patronage and corruption. If you owe your job to "sifarish", or a bribe, you have not been selected on the basis of your competence, and you are not expecting to be held accountable. Though no administrative set-up consists of star performers, there used to be a high proportion of competent performers in various departments in the early years of independence. The assumption of power by our own elite has been followed by a progressive deterioration of performance in most government offices. This is due to several reasons, including falling educational standards, and the rising pressure of work due to our exploding population. But the most important single reason has been the abandonment of merit, and the neglect of accountability. As a result, the citizen who has to perforce deal with some government organisation or another for the conduct of his business or for access to social services that are in the control of the state, finds himself harassed, compelled to wait for the completion of incomprehensible formalities, owing either to red-tape or the absence of key officials who are on tour or on leave. He is extended very little courtesy, for he is dealing with the remnants of a colonial culture in which every official is a "sahib" who has power that is seemingly without any check on it. The citizen, who is both poor and illiterate, realises that not only has he no rights but that there is hardly any redress available for the wrongs he encounters. The irony of this situation is that while it caters to the ego of the officials, who should be facing reprimands for inefficiency and discourteous behaviour, it is tailor made for corruption. You either find a patron in high places, or pay a bribe, and all the seemingly insuperable obstacles to your request or document disappear. We have seen a great display of ingenuity, as well as sheer gall in creating avenues for corruption. The principal ploys are as follows: i) Inaccessibility: the sahib is in a "meeting" (which may be a tea session with a colleague), with his superior, or on tour. Even if he is present, the underling who has the file is sick, or out on an errand etc. Consequence? Come again tomorrow, or after Friday. The Naib Qasids of important functionaries bask in the light of their importance and often get a price for arranging access. ii) Indifference: the sahib is very busy. Even if he receives you, he has this, that or the other task that will keep him preoccupied for the immediate future. iii) The missing file: Your file is not traceable. If it is found, key papers are missing. iv) Inadequate documentation: You bring an application, or set of documents for some purpose. Some fault can always be found with it. If you bring original documents, they may not be suitably worded, or their authenticity can be questioned. In case you bring copies, their authentication by the correct person may be demanded. Where payment of bills is involved, specially for large amounts, or where tenders are involved for government purchases, the scope for commissions is being constantly enlarged. The costs may go up, or may be deliberately inflated, in order to increase the commissions. All in all, nearly every department evolves some way of generating income through obstruction or exercise of discretion, with officials of even such welfare oriented departments as education charging for admissions or pass marks. Many officials of departments dealing with law and order who are expected to apprehend such anti-social elements as burglars, murderers and drug pushers also tend to show more interest in enriching themselves than in serving the vague cause of public order. The catalogue of types of poor governance, which have flourished largely under the political patronage of democratically elected representatives can be endless. Their patronage has reinforced objectionable attitudes, in which bureaucrats consider that their authority lies in saying "no", without realising that they are thus neglecting their main task of serving the people whose taxes pay their salaries. A major task for the caretakers, in the few weeks left of their tenure, is to initiate steps specifically designed to improve the quality of governance, by compelling a change in attitudes, and ensuring closer supervision of officials, with a focus on their public dealings. Anti-corruption measures have traditionally added to the cost of corruption, rather than eliminated it. More frequent access by ministers and senior officials to the public, and enforcement of rigorous penalties against corrupt officials are the obvious remedies. Even more important would be a campaign in the electronic media, specially television, identifying the widespread instances of bad governance. In the long run, the selection of officials on merit, and strengthening of institutions of accountability, such as those of the Muhtasibs might be the answer.

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SPORTS

970119 ------------------------------------------------------------------- W.I. destroyed by pace & spin as Pakistan win 1st final ------------------------------------------------------------------- SYDNEY, Jan 18: Pakistan had a comfortable four-wicket victory over West Indies in the first of the three finals at the Sydney Cricket Ground (SCG). Their authority was such that they reached the target with 11.4 overs to spare after West Indies were restricted to 179 for 9. Their first win in the World series final overs hot to spinners Saqlain Mushtaq, Mushtaq Ahmed and Shahid Afridi who kept the pressure on once the opening stand of 99 was broken between Junior Murray and Sherwin Campbell. Waqar Younis, who had an expensive first spell in which he gave away 29 runs in four overs, when brought back was as much devastating as were the spinners. Later Shahid Afridi, Ijaz Ahmed and Moin Khan dominated the proceedings as the West Indians struggled to check their victory march. Afridi made 53, Ijaz a gritty 60 adding 71 runs for the fifth wicket with Moin Khan to take Pakistan to within 10 runs of victory. The impressive performances was lauded by none other than the Prime Minister of Australia, Mr John Howard, who visited the dressing room to congratulate the team. Pakistan chasing 180 for victory lost two wickets for 40 in the 11th over after Inzamam-ul-Haq and Zahoor Elahi were out to poor shots but Shahid Afridi and Ijaz Ahmed batted sensibly and attractively to add 53 runs for the third wicket. Afridi reached to his third fifty in one-day games with 8 fours and in only 50 deliveries before being caught at long off by Courtney Walsh off Ian Bishop for 53. Mohammad Wasim was run out after a mix-up but Ijaz and Moin steered the innings without much fuss taking Pakistan near the target. Ijaz's 60 contained 3 fours in 71 balls. his dismissal by Walsh left Pakistan win only ten runs to win which was comfortably taken. Moin Khan hit a four and a six off successive balls from Chanderpaul to get past the required runs. West Indies after being put in by Wasim Akram were given a solid start of 99 by Junior Murray and Sherwin Campbell who enjoyed their share of luck as well as the partnership flourished. Murray, when zero was missed off Waqar Younis in the slips - a difficult chance but catchable. Later he also survived a run out appeal when the television umpire decided in his favour. Waqar bowling a wayward line was mauled for 28 runs in four overs and had to be taken off. Saqlain Mushtaq, Mushtaq Ahmed and Shahid Afridi wee all introduced into the attack as Akram made quick changes to dislodge the pair. But it was Mushtaq who broke the stand when Murray hit low down to him when 48. In the next over Brian Lara mistimed a drive into the hands of Afridi, the bowler, who held onto a low catch. Lara had faced only two balls without scoring. Not much later Afridi with a faster one bowled Campbell minutes after he had reached his fifty in 87 balls, having hit five fours. Waqar, brought back for his second spell in the 32nd over, devastated the middle order. He bowled Shivnarine Chanderpaul first ball of his second spell and had Phil Simmons leg before on the last delivery of the same over for 0. Robert Samuels was his third victim as he forced the batsman on the back foot. in nine balls he had taken three wickets. Afridi, with a quicker delivery, then had Jimmy Adams leg before for 2 and suddenly West Indies had slumped to 7 for 123 from 0 for 99. In his first four overs Waqar, who had conceded 29 runs, had given away only seven runs taking three wickets in his next four overs. Roland Holder and Ian Bishop then put on 53 runs in 85 balls for a record eighth wicket stand against Pakistan to make the score look relatively respectable. Jamshed Mujahid's direct throw from covers as Bishop attempted a run resulted in Holder's demise when 32. Curtly Ambrose, the ninth man out, was out next ball leg before to Waqar as Pakistan restricted West Indies to 179 for 9. Waqar with 4 for 43 and Afridi with 3 for 33 were the stars of the show. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970121 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Pakistan rout W. I to take World Series crown ------------------------------------------------------------------- Qamar Ahmed MELBOURNE, Jan 20: In a sensational and low-scoring match for a one-dayer Pakistan toppled the West Indies by 62 runs today to clinch the World Series, the trophy and the prize money of 100,000 dollars set for the annual competition. The Melbourne crowds could not believe their eyes that Pakistan collapsed for just 165, which appeared an easy target for the Caribbean but latterly the West Indies' batsmen made a procession to the pavilion in the face of hostile and venomous bowling of Wasim Akram, Shahid Nazir and Waqar Younis and the whole lineup succumbed to a paltry score of 103, thus achieving an unprecedented success on the Australian soil. The Pakistani migrants were delighted and cheered with joy as Waqar uprooted the stump of Cameron Cuffy, the last man. After being bowled out for a disappointing 165, Pakistan bounced back in the match with some superb bowling and fielding to strangle the West Indian batting and bowl them out for 103 in the 41st over. As the powerhouse of the West Indian batting crumbled, the lights of the MCG also failed for about 20 minutes with West Indies struggling at 87 for 7. With the lights switched on once again, Pakistan also came alight, wrapping up the West Indian innings giving away only 16 more runs for the remaining three wickets. The West Indian batting collapse was as sensational as was that of the Pakistanis earlier on. With only 2 runs scored West Indies had lost five wickets and at one stage it seemed they might not be able to pass even their lowest 87 made against Australia at the SCG four years ago. Wasim Akram had started the rout by forcing Sherwin Campbell onto his wicket. in the second over Junior Murray was out leg before to Waqar Younis and then Akram had Sivnarine Chanderpaul and Carl Hooper on the second and fourth ball of his sixth over. Their dismissal was followed by that of Jimmy Adams, Phil Simmons and Brian Lara by Shahid Nazir who had replaced Waqar. In six overs he had taken 3 wickets for 8 runs and West Indies were down to 7 for 42. If not for the 47 run eighth wicket stand between Ambrose and Roland Holder, they may have perished within 100 runs. Ambrose with an unbeaten 31 was their highest scorer. Chanderpaul and Lara were dismissed off spectacular catches by Moin Khan who was at his best to say the least. Once the eighth wicket stand was broken by Shahid Afridi as he bowled Holder for 20, Pakistan amidst jubilation of its supporters got rid of Walsh and Cuffy by Saqlain and Waqar. Afridi was the Man of the finals and Lara Man of the Series. It is a great moment for a young team that we had. They had firm belief in themselves and it was the key to our success," said a delighted Wasim Akram. He paid rich tributes to his team and praised the West Indies for the exciting final. Pakistan batted ineptly after winning the toss. In their 165 all out in the 49th over, there were two mindless run-outs of Inzamam- ul-Haq and Wasim Akram. Luckily for them Ijaz Ahmed once again rose to occasion with a gritty 45 and Mohammad Wasim having come at the fall of the fourth wicket at 53 was the last man out having scored 41 in nearly two hours batting and later Moin Khan's whirlwind 26 in 29 balls made things look relatively respectable. Pakistan made two changes, bringing in Aamir Sohail and Shahid Nazir for Mujahid Jamshed and Mushtaq Ahmed. on a bouncy wicket Afridi should not have opened, the skill was not there when he could not get away from a Courtney Walsh delivery. Zahoor Elahi, as in other ties on Australia, chased an outswinger in the hands of Brian Lara at first slip off the same bowler. Aamir Sohail's stay for nearly an hour produced 32 runs with Ijaz Ahmed as the two tried to salvage the situation. Aamir Sohail then played a loose drive to Lara in the covers off Cameron Cuff and departed. Inzamam-ul-Haq made a suicidal call for run and paid the price as both he and Ijaz ended at the same end and Carl Hooper's throw did the rest. Third umpire adjudged Inzamam out as he had left his crease. Ijaz, who had reached the landmark of 4,000 runs in one-day games, occupied the crease for 112 minutes before edging Phil Simmons to Murray when 45. With Mohammad Wasim he had put on 43 runs for the fifth wicket. For Wasim Akram the second run was not there as he glanced to leg and Jimmy Adams in a flash threw the ball to the keeper with Wasim struggling to get to safety. Wickets kept tumbling as young Mohammad Wasim held on to his end stubbornly. He could not take risk but Moin Khan did and swung his bat with purpose to add 36 for the seventh wicket. His dismissal by Adams at 137 left Wasim there to play out the overs. it did not take long for Cuffy and Ambrose to polish off the tail. Saqlain was caught at the wicket off Cuffy and Ambrose had Waqar Younis yorked with a slower ball and when a desperate Wasim tried to hit out he was taken at point by Adams. Pakistan had fallen least knowing that perhaps West Indies could be as fragile. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970121 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Melbourne win, a milestone in post-Imran era ------------------------------------------------------------------- ISLAMABAD, Jan 20 (APP) : Pakistan's victory over West Indies in Melbourne was hailed as a milestone in post- Imran Khan Cricket era of the country. Cricket commentators described Pakistan's first-ever triumph in World Series Cricket, a regular annual feature of Australian domestic season, as a catalyst to the country's newly-found world- beating prowess. The glorious victory assumed a further coating of lustre with the news that Pakistan had claimed top position in ratings of cricket playing countries with six Pakistanis also listed among the top 10 Cricketers around the globe. Not since lifting of the World Cup by Imran Khan on March 25, 1992, Pakistan had posted such an impressive win in a One-Day Tournament, the Cricket observers said. The Melbourne victory was flaunted in cricket circles as the most dazzling of last five years along with Test Series win in England in 1992 and 1996. Member Pakistan Cricket Board (PCB) Council, Ashraf Qureshi, eulogised Pakistan's victory as all the more laudable since it was achieved in the absence of two leading batsmen Saeed Anwar and Salim Malik. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970121 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Pakistan take one-day crown with easy win ------------------------------------------------------------------- MELBOURNE (Australia), Jan 20: Pakistan sensationally took the World Series one-day crown at the Melbourne Cricket Ground after bowling out the West Indies in just over 40 overs to wrap up the best-of-three series 2-0. Intense pressure from Pakistan's world-class pace duo, Wasim Akram and Waqar Younis, with fine support from Shahid Nazir, forced a dramatic Windies mid-order collapse. Then, as Curtly Ambrose and Roland Holder began to stage a recovery a power cut plunged the ground into darkness. The lights were out for 24 minutes and the Windies were out soon after. Pakistan's first win in six World Series attempts was seemingly against the odds after their batsmen withered before an Ambrose and Courtney Walsh attack to be all out for 165 in 48.3 overs. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970122 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Moin Khan completes 100 victims ------------------------------------------------------------------- KARACHI, Jan 21: Wicketkeeper Moin Khan, third in cricket ratings, is the quickest Pakistan player with the gloves to complete 100 victims behind the wickets. Moin touched the 100-mark in his 71st match against the West Indies during the first match of the best-of-three finals at Sydney on Saturday. He added three more scalps on Monday to finish the tour with 103 victims that include 76 catches and 27 stumpings. Moin eclipsed the record of Rashid Latif, his main rival for the lone place in the team who is presently out of selectors favours. Rashid had reached the magical three figures from 81 matches. Rashid has so far accounted for 103 batsmen behind the wickets in 83 matches. Rashid had overhauled the record of Salim Yousuf who had reached 100 victims in 83 matches. The `Tiger', who later managed the Pakistan team with Intikhab Alam, ended his career with 102 victims (80 catches and 22 stumpings) in 86 matches. Interestingly, none of the Pakistan wicket-keepers have so far completed a double in one-day internationals. Moin Khan is closed to that landmark with 854 runs at 20.11. Rashid Latif scored 633 runs at 15.43 with one 50 while Salim Yousuf scored 768 runs at 17.86 with four half centuries. DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS*DWS 970122 ------------------------------------------------------------------- Pak U-19 SA tour Hasan Raza hammers 2nd successive ton ------------------------------------------------------------------- WILLONMORE PARK, BEMONI (South Africa) Jan 21: A flawless century by Hasan Raza, his second successive ton on the tour, coupled with a fine knock of 70 by left-hander Shahdab Kabir, enabled the Pakistan under-19 XI reach 276 for the loss of six wickets at draw of stumps on the first day in their two-day fixture against Easterns Under-19. Winning the toss and electing to bat, the Pakistani youngsters got off to a fine start when Shadab Kabir and Farhan Adil put on 32 runs for the first wicket before the latter parted company after scoring 14 runs. M. Salim joining Shahdab, left with the score at 74, after contributing 17 runs to his team's total, but the fireworks really began when next batsman Hasan Raza joined Shadab and the two were associated in a fine partnership of 75 runs. Shahdab, after batting facing 163 deliveries in his 220 minutes at the crease finally fell, caught by skipper Meyer bowled by Botha for a well played knock of 70 runs, studded with six boundaries. Another fine partnership ensued between Ahmer Saeed and Hasan, who in the meantime completed his half century, facing 116 balls in 128 minutes at the wicket, with four boundaries being his principal strokes. After adding 52 runs for the fourth wicket, Ahmer was dismissed for 21 runs. Bazid Khan, the new batsman then added 56 runs for the fifth wicket with Hasan Raza, before he was dismissed for 16 runs. In the meantime Hasan Raza continuing to plunder the bowling from the short pitched deliveries went on to complete his well deserved century which contained seven boundaries, after facing 212 deliveries in 257 minutes, but after scoring a splendid knock of 121 runs was stumped by keeper Barnard, trying to lift Repsold out of the ground in the last ball of the day. M. Shakil was still at the wicket with four runs as the Pakistan under 19 XI raced to 276 for 6. Repsold, bowling a fine line and length picked up 2/58 and was well supported by Botha 2/32. Back to the top.

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