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DAWN WIRE SERVICE
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Week Ending : 31 October 1996 Issue : 02/44
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Accountability needs a broader base
Religious schools: who controls what they teach?
Police had orders not to lay hands on Mir: PM
Fiscal measures devoid of any vision: Mahbub
Pakistan faces uphill task in getting UN body seat
Pity the traveller coming out of Jinnah Terminal
India, Pakistan order expulsion of diplomats
---------------------------------
Public debt constitutes 88% of GDP
Current account deficit widens to all-time high
The anatomy of Pakistans crises
Quality of working life in Pakistan
Pakistans economic standing today
Moeen opposes new taxes in Pakistan
PM forms new team of money managers
Islamabad, IMF agree on economic reforms
Active follow-up support sends leading shares higher
---------------------------------------
The public perception Ardeshir Cowasjee
Beyond accountability Omar Kureishi
A matter of timing Mohammad Malick
Chasing shadows: the Republics enduring pastime Ayaz Amir
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*From messenger to youngest Test player
Incentive bonus for players
A month of world cricket records
Making Lara captain wont solve W.I. problems
Wasim may reach a landmark in todays 1-dayer
Malik, 72, steers Pakistan to win over Zimbabwe
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961026
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Accountability needs a broader base
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Izharul Hasan Burney
KARACHI: The 15th amendment bill tabled by the government and the
accountability bill moved by the opposition in the National Assembly seem
to be a hotchpotch of new and old ideas, conflicting and overlapping
provisions, and lacking in vital areas of legislative reforms to plug all
holes of corruption, and may need refining and extensive rewriting,
analysts said in their initial reaction.
They reflect the mood of the government and the opposition in the prevalent
political scenario and mounting pressure against growing corruption both
from within and outside the country, they said and hoped that the needful
will be done by the NA select committee in the spirit of the Constitution
through detailed deliberations, public debate and a national consensus.
A good beginning has been made. The ruling party and the opposition have
committed themselves to work together and also take along the minor
parliamentary groups in the House.
However, it will be desirable to similarly associate the other political
factions (not represented in the House), Pakistan Bar Council, various
Bars, etc., to undertake studies at their own end and forward
reports/recommendations to the select committee for its consideration, they
said.
To begin with, analysts wondered if the parliamentarians were the ideal
people to perform the kind of job normally associated with crime
investigation and punishment.
Their basic responsibility (also training and profession) is to make the
laws and oversee and monitor the work of various government
agencies/institutions.
The accountability mechanism could, therefore, best be divided into two
main parts: the legislative reforms, and crime investigation.
A crime investigation commission answerable only to the parliament and the
president would best serve this purpose.
It should be on the pattern of the Federal Ombudsman, the Election
Commission, the Council of Islamic Ideology, etc., with a full-fledged
permanent secretariat staffed with highly skilled professionals to
investigate and prove before special courts the most intricate financial,
political, administrative and such other cases falling within the purview
of the proposed bill.
On its part, the select committee may later convert itself into
legislative reforms committee and take up a review and recasting of all
the defective laws or those lacking in any respect and bring them in
conformity with the letter and spirit of the Constitution and to make them
meaningful and effective, analysts said.
For example, the Political Parties Act provides for a defection clause but
for the last over three decades the legislature has been unable to define
what constitutes defection with the result that horse-trading is rampant
and democratic values and parliamentary practices are being trampled with
impunity.
This deficiency in law was pointed out by superior judiciary more than
once. The two caretaker prime ministers, Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi and Moeen
Qureshi, during their tenure promulgated ordinances to meet this deficiency
but the ordinances were allowed to lapse when the elected governments took
over.
Governments would not have toppled but for this deficiency, and MNAs and
MPAs would not have minted gold but for this lacunae. Accountability would
be meaningless without this legislative reform, analysts pointed out.
Likewise, there were a set of election laws inconsistent with the spirit of
the Constitution.
For example, the Senators, MNAs and MPAs are required to furnish annual
statements of assets.
However, there is no provision of a punitive clause if the legislators fail
to do so and therefore may ignore it with contempt. Besides, the defective
law makes these declarations a confidential document. Why? Is it not in
public interest to make all such information transparent? analysts asked.
And why should the people at large be debarred from seeking
disqualification of a legislator for any wrong act or misdeed during his
tenure? they added.
In fact, the house committee should look into every piece of legislation or
resolution passed by the House conferring exemptions in taxes, or
remissions, etc., as well as conferment of any special financial benefits
to the legislators, e.g. allotment of plots, tax-exemptions for salaries
and perquisites, etc.
In the past, such malpractices have taken place in respect of
controversial land allotments; and in the eighties the legislators had
grabbed the right to sanction two telephone connections each month in any
part of the country a privilege which at that particular time meant a
guaranteed monthly income of at least Rs100,000 for two telephone
connections in the peak-demand localities of Clifton and Defence Housing
Authority.
Indeed, there are dozens of such laws and resolutions through which the
legislators grabbed monetary benefits and thus misused the august forum
where they should have concentrated on matters of national and public
interest only.
Similarly, the statute book is filled with provisos conferring full power
on competent authority to indulge in unethical practices. These too would
need to be scrapped from the statute books, the analysts said, adding that
the accountability process cannot afford to ignore such reckless and
immoral exercise of the discretionary powers.
Referring to the overlapping provisions of the amendment bill the analysts
particularly referred to the existing provision in the Constitution about
the Supreme Judicial Council.
This is a comprehensive provision, and in the past also the Supreme
Judicial Council has not failed to act judiciously. At this very stage, the
Supreme Court of Pakistan is seized of a matter in which the desirability
of the detailed working of the STC has also been highlighted.
Let the honourable courts devise their own ways and set precedents of
highest integrity, the analysts said, adding that the nation had full faith
in the judiciary which cannot be left to the mercy of a handful of 15 per
cent legislators of doubtful integrity.
In a nutshell, the country needs an era of rule of justice and those
defending the outdated concept of rule of (misconstrued) law should find
no place in the 21st century Pakistan, they concluded.
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961028
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Religious schools: who controls what they teach?
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Nasir Jamal
You can hardly miss seeing them. Some in green turbans and others in white
caps, bearded young faces probing for a direction. These students of
religious seminaries or madaris are a part of our daily life. What does the
future hold for them? What do they mean for the future?
LAHORE, Oct 27: Madaris have registered a phenomenal growth since the late
1970s. An official report prepared by intelligence agencies last year shows
that their number in the country has risen to 8,000 from a mere 868 in
1975. Many madaris were set up before independence in 1947, but very few
news ones were established till 1977, the year Gen. Ziaul Haq imposed
martial law in the country.
Thousands of madaris sprang up in the late 1970s and the early 1980s when
Gen. Zia started pampering and patronising religious groups to create a
constituency for himself. The communist intervention in Afghanistan further
bolstered these groups as huge funds from the West started to pour in to
stop the communist advance, with many Arab governments also opening their
coffers in the name of jihad. For some Arab states, the Iranian revolution
also posed a threat and needed to be contained.
These madaris were given a boost by Gen. Zia when he compelled the
University Grants Commission to recognise the Wifaqs or federations, which
act as degree-awarding and curriculum designing and regulating institutions
for madaris affiliated with them, of different sects and treat their
degrees as equivalent to M.A. Arabic/Islamiyat in 1980. He also ordered
recruitment of graduates of these madaris as Islamiyat/Arabic teachers in
BPS-9 in middle and primary schools.
EXPLOSIVE: At present 2,512 registered madaris are located in the Punjab
alone. Statistics show that most madaris 1,619 are situated in southern
Punjab which has an explosive combination of a strong feudal hold, rampant
poverty and minimal educational facilities. But they are also thriving in
the urban areas. It is preferable to establish madaris in cities because
of easy availability of modern facilities, Jamia Naeemias Dr Muhammad
Sarfraz says.
It is surprising that the madaris want to use modern inventions, but
usually offer outdated theological courses. Their students are taught fiqh
(interpretation of Islam), hadith (sayings of the Holy Prophet (PBUH),
tafseer (commentary on the Holy Quran), philosophy, history, Islamic
jurisprudence, etc. The madaris claim to be inheritors of the traditional
madaris of the early Muslim period, saying that their objective is to
produce Aalim-i-Deen (experts in religion). But none of them teaches
science, arithmetic, algebra, geometry or other disciplines relevant to the
needs of society.
Academics point out that the education imparted at the old, traditional
madaris was relevant to the needs of their people and society and they
produced scientists who are still considered pioneers of modern science.
The education imparted in our madaris has no relevance to the life of the
people or society. They are producing only recruits for religious
organisations which run these madaris, says a Punjab University teacher.
COURSES: Education, or deeni taleem, starts at the madaris with Hifz-o-
Manazra (memorising the Quran). It is followed by Tajweed-o-Qirat
(recitation of the Quran). Students with middle education are admitted to
an eight-year Dars-i-Nizami course which is the main degree offered by the
most madaris. The Dars-i-Nizami course starts with Saanavi-a-Aama
(matriculation), Darja-i-Mutawast (intermediate), Darja-i-Aalia
(graduation) and Darja-i-Aalmia (MA Arabic/Islamiyat). They also offer
specialised courses in hadith, fiqh and other disciplines to the holders of
the Darja-i-Aalmia degree.
The wifaqs of each sect design curricula and syllabi for their affiliated
institutions, conduct their examinations and award certificates and
degrees. The wifaqs are free to change their courses and books without
seeking permission from the UGC which has little control over them save for
giving legitimacy to their degrees at the state level.
The age of the madaris students ranges on average between five and 18
years. They attract students because of the generally depressed economic
condition of the people, the abysmal lack of educational facilities and the
official patronage given to them in the recent past. Free hostel
accommodation, food, clothing and payment of Rs 100 to Rs 200 per month per
student as scholarship is obviously a major attraction, and in their own
way the madaris are at least contributing to literacy. There are about
218,939 students enrolled at the madaris in the Punjab. About 15-20 per
cent of them are girls. Most students come from poor families.
Some 100,588 students are enrolled at the madaris affiliated with the
Wifaqul Madaris Arabia and the Rabitaul Madaris Islamia Arabi of the
Deobandi sect and the Jamaat-i-Islami, 95,190 with the Tanzeemul Madaris
Arabiya of the Barelvi sect, 18,880 with the Wifaqul Sulfiya Arabiya of the
Ahle-Hadith sect and 2,022 with the Wifaqul Shia Arabiya of the Shia sect.
One major reason for the mushroom growth of the madaris is said to be their
ability to raise huge funds through Zakat funds since Gen. Zias period,
private donations and financial assistance from some Muslim states.
According to officials, 36 per cent of these institutions have been
receiving Rs 100 million from Zakat funds while the rest of them receive
donations from Pakistanis settled abroad or some Arab governments. An Auqaf
Department official says 906 madaris receive funds from Saudi Arabia, Iran,
Iraq, Kuwait, Egypt, Lebanon and Syria. Some are funded by foreign
governments and others by well-off individuals or religious organisations.
These funds have turned some of those associated with the madaris concerned
into big property owners. It is believed that the vested interest developed
by them is a factor in the promotion of sectarian violence.
A police official says the funds and accounts of these madaris are never
audited though under the Charitable Funds Act 1953 they are bound to submit
the annual audit reports of their accounts to the government.
The charge of foreign funding is denied by the madaris, but some of them
privately accuse rival sects of receiving funds from foreign governments
sympathetic to them.
SECTARIAN LINK: Few madaris are overtly sectarian, but they are often
blamed for sectarian teachings and killings. Most madaris impart sectarian
teachings orally. Concepts like jihad against kafirs (non-believers) who
also include followers of other sects are openly preached. They have
objectionable printed material which is provided to those who are able to
win the trust of their instructors, says a police official who has closely
monitored the working of these madaris.
At least 746 madaris in the Punjab are said to have strong sectarian links.
They provide space for clandestine meetings where planning is done to
carry out violent acts, says the official. Police have strong evidence
that the recent mass killings in Mailsi and Multan and the murder of the
commissioner of Sargodha were planned at some madaris. Besides creating
hard-core activists for different religious organisations, these madaris
also serve as nurseries for providing recruits and an audience for them,
says the official.
He says some madaris are also involved in providing military training to
their students. But most of them are located either in the NWFP or the Azad
Kashmir, with only a few in the Punjab. The government is well aware of
this, but has not taken any action because of political expediencies, the
official maintains.
The government has taken a few steps here and there to bring the activities
of the madaris under its control, but to no avail. It has banned Egyptian
and Algerian students from seeking admission to the madaris to stop
penetration of foreigners. The procedure to procure zakat has been made
more elaborate and the Foreign Office has made it compulsory for foreign
students and madaris to obtain a no-objection certificate from it before
admitting any foreigner. It has put an end to the earlier practice by
police of issuing a stay permit for foreign students on their own.
However, says an official, some madaris continue to admit foreigners
without authorisation.
Their graduates are employed as qaris and khateebs at the Auqaf mosques or
as Arabic/Islamiyat teachers at primary and middle schools. But most remain
unemployed. A Home Department official says graduates of the madaris do not
fit into normal society or life because of their orthodox views and
qualifications which have no relevance to the existing job market. So some
of them try to mould society according to their own notions in reaction and
indulge in sectarian violence in the name of religion. Since they have an
ideology to support their acts they prove more dangerous than common
criminals.
DENIAL: Madaris deny the charges of sectarianism and accuse the government
of thinking up excuses to demolish the system of deeni taleem under
pressure from the donor agencies and the West. Dr Muhammad Sarfraz says the
government itself plants personnel of secret agencies in some madaris to
train people for the liberation of Kashmir or the fight in Afghanistan.
And when they are no longer needed, the government points to these madaris
to tarnish our image, he says. He says sectarian organisations like the
Sipah-i-Sahaba or the Sipah-i-Muhammad Pakistan cannot operate without the
government or secret agencies assisting them. None of them has any link
with the madaris, he says.
Jamia Ashrafias Muhammad Akram says while some terrorists may use the
madaris in the garb of students for their motives, they can use any place
for that matter. According to him, most students come from poor families
and cannot even think of obtaining a Kalashnikov. The people who want to
eliminate the madaris have unleashed a propaganda to malign us, he says.
Intelligence agencies have once again started collecting information about
the madaris, but officials consider it a futile exercise in the absence of
effective follow-up action. It does not matter whether you have up-to-date
information if you do not take action, says a police official.
Officials point out that laws exist to disband madaris found involved in
acts detrimental to the security of the state. The government lacks the
political will to tackle the issue and feels helpless in the face of the
supposed street power of religious groups. It has done little to bring the
madaris under its discipline, says an official.
In 1995 the government decided to regulate and prescribe a uniform syllabus
for the madaris, audit their accounts, register them with provincial
Education Departments and Boards of Intermediate and Secondary Education.
However, none of these decisions has so far been implemented.
Officials believe that the activities of the madaris can be harnessed to a
large extent by linking them with the countrys education system and
extending the public school network to provide free education and
vocational training to remoter areas. Their curricula and syllabi must be
formulated by the Education Department, says an Auqaf Department official.
Parents should be bound to send their children to ordinary schools even if
they want them to obtain religious education.
The official says it requires the political authority to take firm action.
As long as the government continues to hobnob with religious groups or
fear their street power, these madaris will continue to thrive.
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961026
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Police had orders not to lay hands on Mir: PM
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Our Correspondent
RAWALPINDI, Oct 25: Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto disclosed here on Friday
that there were clear instructions to the Sindh Police from the federal and
the provincial government that Mir Murtaza Bhutto should not be intercepted
or checked.
She was addressing a condolence meeting on the Chehlum of Mir Murtaza
Bhutto here at Liaquat Bagh.
Ms Bhutto said they had also been instructed not to lay hands on Mirs
guards, wanted by the police, in his presence. She pointed out that Murtaza
had visited some police stations a few days before his death, and there the
police did not arrest any of his guards just because of the fact that they
had been so instructed.
The prime minister said a team of British experts was coming to Pakistan to
investigate the murder of Mir Murtaza Bhutto. She confirmed that the
policemen involved in the murder have already been arrested.
Why is it so that only the member of Bhutto family are being killed, she
said. During the last 18 years, she said, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and his two
sons were killed.
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961025
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Fiscal measures devoid of any vision: Mahbub
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Bureau Report
ISLAMABAD, Oct 24: Dr Mahbub-ul-Haq has termed the recent fiscal measures
of the government cosmetic financial tinkering bereft of any economic
vision and suggested that a permanent body of independent economist should
be set up to help save the country from economic disaster.
In a statement issued on Tuesday the former finance minister advised the
government to set up a council of economic advisers inviting independent
economist of the country to offer their candid analysis to the government
on a regular basis to save the economy from the abyss in which it is about
to fall.
Criticising the mini-budget of Rs40 billion announced by the government on
Tuesday, he said it was a desperate attempt and no substitute for real
reforms which were really needed to revive the economy and to benefit the
poor people of Pakistan.
Many of the announced measures, he said, would prove counterproductive for
the real economy. A cut of Rs20 billion in an already modest development
budget would unbalance the prospects for future growth. Rising energy
prices would compromise the competitiveness of the very exports that the
government wished to encourage through rupees devaluation. A 30 per cent
fall in the exchange value of the rupee since last year has already created
domestic inflation and stagnation, without increasing exports.
The past experience, he said, had shown that devaluation without basic
measures to revive agricultural and industrial production was totally
useless.
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961031
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Pakistan faces uphill task in getting UN body seat
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Masood Haider
UNITED NATIONS, Oct 30: Pakistan faces an uphill task in its bid to seek
another term in the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC)
when the UN General Assembly meets on Thursday to elect 18 new members for
the 54-member economic body.
Of the 18 members to be elected in the ECOSOC, three seats are reserved for
the Asian continent for which there are six candidates Pakistan, Japan,
Republic of Korea, Indonesia, Syria and Sri-Lanka. Of the six candidates,
Pakistan, Japan and Indonesia are seeking re-election, the other three,
Korea, Sri Lanka and Syria are new candidates.
Most diplomats at the United Nations, including Pakistani officials,
concede that Japan and Republic of Korea are a virtual shoe-in for two of
the three seats. The reasons are essentially economic, since these two
nations are also aid-giving countries. They have considerable clout among
the ECOSOC membership.
Pakistan, which is seeking re-election, has split support amongst the SAARC
nations since, Sri Lanka is also contesting the seat against Pakistan. The
Non-Aligned Movements caucus has decided not to endorse a candidate while
the Arab group obviously supports Syrias candidacy.
Moreover, Pakistans support among the Asian nations has eroded radically,
after it used all its clout to claim one of the 21 vice-presidential seats
in the General Assembly and contesting against Arab states.
Indians who are still nursing the wounds of their abysmal defeat at the
hands of Japanese in their bid for a seat in the Security Council would
like nothing better to see Pakistan lose in the ECOSOC.
For Pakistan losing a seat on the Economic and Social Council would be a
bigger loss than its glee at winning one of the 21 vice-presidency slots in
the General Assembly. While the UNGAs vice-presidency is purely ceremonial
post, but to be one of the board members of economic arm of the world body
is pivotal.
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961028
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Pity the traveller coming out of Jinnah Terminal
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Staff Reporter
KARACHI, Oct 27: If you are a passenger whos just come out of the
arrivals lounge at Quaid-i-Azam International Airport, you can definitely
expect to be mobbed by sleazy cab-drivers, private loaders and touts the
moment you come out.
If you are coming out of the international arrivals lounge and are
travelling alone, either male or female, then the situation can get even
worse.
On October 1, the sub-divisional magistrate of the jurisdiction which
covers Jinnah Terminal, under section 144 Cr. Pc. banned for two months
unauthorised money-changers, private loaders, taxi drivers and touts at the
airport.
A visit to the airport on Sunday showed that this measure, albeit a well
intentioned one is hardly being enforced properly.
Over a period of an hour on Sunday afternoon, in which at least seven
domestic flights and two international flights arrived at the airport, this
reporter saw at least two incidents in which the recently-arrived air-
travellers were about to come to blows with either a tout, a sleazy man
insisting on grabbing his trolley and helping carry his luggage or with a
taxi-driver insisting on taking him as a passenger (read fleecing him).
There were approximately fifty such men literally prowling the spaces in
front of the domestic and international arrival lounges switching back and
forth between the two depending on where the flight was coming.
The first case of harassment by these men claiming to be private loaders,
taxi drivers or touts happened as a Lufthansa flight from Kathmandu arrived
around 1 pm.
A (presumably) European traveller came out of the arrivals lounge wearing a
blazer and jeans, with her suitcases on a trolley. As soon as she came out,
she was literally swamped by these men.
The situation became extreme as the language gap (most of these men though
speak some broken English phrases) seemed to make them more anxious in
getting their message across.
The woman literally started swinging her arms wildly to throw back the
touts, the men claiming to be private loaders, the taxi drivers.
Eventually, close to tears, one of the guards on duty and a person standing
close by intervened and rescued the traveller hardly a welcome for the
foreign traveller on a first visit here, and that too at the countrys
premier airport and commercial and financial capital.
However, in less extreme cases, the guards apart from the periodic waving
of their stick at these men (which forces them back literally for not a few
minutes at the most) tolerate their presence.
The second incident was of a single male, who was well-dressed and looked
Pakistani. The minute he came out two persons from either side placed their
hands on his trolley and insisted on performing porter duties.
It was a funny sight because both men started arguing with each other on
who would eventually become porter. The well-dressed traveller, however,
had not even given the slightest indication that he wanted any help with
his luggage.
After a minute or two, in total opposition to his well-heeled image, but
acting out of frustration (probably on being in such undesirable company
the moment he stepped out), the man let loose some aptly-selected
profanities in the mother tongue, all the while readying his fist and
directing it at one of the men.
Luckily, just then the mans (presumably) driver showed up on the scene and
the tension ended.
Far from hilarious, such scenes are common because the SDMs own orders are
not enforced and men who insist on helping you with your luggage or
transport, sleazy taxi drivers and touts are permitted easy access within
the premises of the premier airport of the country.
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961027
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India, Pakistan order expulsion of diplomats
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Rafaqat Ali
ISLAMABAD, Oct 26: Police on Sunday arrested a staff member of the Indian
embassy on the charges of espionage. After detaining him for five hours in
the Aabpara police station, police handed him over to an Indian embassy
representative. The official has been ordered to leave Pakistan within a
week.
A.B Wahi, a staffer of the Indian embassy was arrested when he was
allegedly exchanging some sensitive information with a Pakistani contact,
Mohammed Latif. After his arrest at 11 am, he was brought to Aabpara police
station.
According to police, the Indian official had developed a Pakistani contact
in the last three months and was exchanging sensitive information with him.
The police stated that the Indian embassy staffer during interrogation
divulged that he was a RAW agent and was operating in Pakistan under the
cover of the Indian embassy.
PAKISTAN DIPLOMAT: India on Saturday ordered the expulsion of a Pakistani
diplomat whom police had earlier detained and accused of acquiring secret
documents on the navy from an Indian contact, says Reuter quoting a
government official.
An Indian police spokesman said the diplomat, named as Hafiz Ahmed Khosa,
had been detained on Friday after he was alleged to have accepted the
secret documents on the southern naval command from an Indian student. The
student, named as Ravinder Kumar, was arrested under Indias official
secrets laws.
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===================================================================
961025
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Public debt constitutes 88% of GDP
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Mohiuddin Aazim
KARACHI, Oct 24: Pakistans total national debt stood at Rs 1912.9 billion
or 88 per cent of its GDP at the end of fiscal year 1995-96 and debt
servicing accounted for 63.2 per cent of its total tax receipts or 46.3 per
cent of the current expenditures of 1995-96.
According to the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) annual report released here
on Thursday, the domestic debt of the country stood at Rs 908.9 billion or
41.8 per cent of its GDP while the external debt amounted to Rs 1004.0
billion ($28.60 billion) or 46.2 per cent of the GDP at end-June 1996.
The report attributes the accumulation of such a large public debt to huge
budget deficits in the past several years. This together with the rising
rates of return on domestic debt and a declining share of long-term soft
loans from external sources has led to a sharp increase in interest
payments, the report says.
DOMESTIC DEBT: The report says that the domestic debt at end-June 1996 rose
by Rs 100.3 billion or 13.8 per cent to Rs 908.9 billion from Rs 798.6
billion recorded a year ago. It says that the floating debt registered a
substantial rise during 1995-96 mainly for cash balance replenishment
adding that floating debt accounted for 39.8 per cent of the total domestic
debt during the last fiscal year.
EXTERNAL DEBT: Financing of large current account deficit over the years
led to sharp increase in the size of external debt together with a
relatively low level of reserves, the report notes. It reveals that
Pakistans total external debt rose by $1.53 billion to $28.60 billion at
end-June 1996 from $27.07 billion at end-June 1995.
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961025
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Current account deficit widens to all-time high
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Staff Reporter
KARACHI, Oct 24: The balance of trade widened to all time high level during
fiscal year 1995-96, and the country had to suffer a huge current account
deficit of $4.2 billion which had to be financed by a larger than
programmed capital account surplus. The adverse balance of payments
position was because of decline in exports which turned out to be one-half
of the target of 14 per cent and significantly higher imports at 16.2 per
cent against the target of 10.6 per cent set for the entire year.
These facts feature conspicuously in the Annual Report of State Bank of
Pakistan for the fiscal year 1995-96 which was released here on Thursday.
The Report frankly admits that the balance of payments targets for the year
as a whole could not be achieved, when exports increased by only 7 per cent
in the year as a whole, while import growth amounted to 16.2 per cent, and
workers remittances declined by 21.7 per cent.
As a result of these developments the SBP Report says the current account
deficit widened to 6.6 per cent of Gross Domestic Produce (GDP) compared
with 3.6 per cent in 1994-95 and the target of 4.4 per cent for the year.
With the exception of 1948, when the country managed to have favourable
balance of trade, year after year the external trade has witnessed varying
degree of deficit. During 1991-92 the imbalance was to the tune of $2.297
billion, in 1992-93 it was $3.111 billion, 1993-94 the external trade
deficit was $1.725 billion and in 1994-95 the deficit was $2.227 billion.
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961026
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The anatomy of Pakistans crises
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S.M. Naseem
ALTHOUGH in the short half-century since its birth Pakistan has faced
numerous crises, its present predicament, is perhaps one of the most
serious and complex. It is the result of a confluence of four major
elements which have persistently featured in most of our national crises.
The first, which is the focus of unending speculation in the newspapers is
the crisis in the political arena, which has dominated public discussion,
is of short- and medium-term nature and recurs periodically. It is often
amenable to solution through temporary adjustments or compromises which an
ingenuous citizenry fatuously accepts with an air of inevitability.
The political crisis is often viewed as a game of musical chairs of the
elite, played by the elite, for the elite by those outside its pale. It is
totally irrelevant to the life of the common man. The essential need in
this regard, therefore, is to make the political process closer to the life
of the people. It is, however, difficult to achieve this without more
fundamental changes in the economic and social fields.
The second is the crisis of economic management, the current focus of which
is the strained relationship with the IMF. The economic crisis being faced
by the country has wider dimensions. However, our economic management
establishment is geared mainly to dealing with the short-term issues. The
result of such a perverse penchant for transient economic issues, often
forced by the overarching concern to stay in power and to please the
foreign donors, is often an accumulating neglect of fundamental problems
and the constant deferring of their solutions, which in turn make the
incidence of economic crisis more frequent.
Although Pakistans policy makers have never had a far-sighted vision of
the way the economy was headed, in recent years this capacity has fast
eroded whatever of it there was and the task of economic management has
been effectively handed over to those donor agencies who frequently come to
the rescue of the economy from its periodic lapses towards retrogression.
The oft-maligned Harvard Advisory Group in the Planning Commission of the
1960s, which is sometimes blamed for laying the foundation of an iniquitous
economic system, at least had the saving grace of playing a catalytic role
in building a sound infrastructure of economic management and research.
Unfortunately, that infrastructure fell into increasing disuse due to a
number of factors.
Deteriorating capability
The more recent deterioration in Pakistans indigenous domestic economic
management capability is also linked with the decreasing importance of
state intervention in economic affairs and the role of the IMF and the
World Bank, in rendering economic advice mainly related to the structural
adjustment programmes, without developing a counter-balancing and credible
indigenous expertise to vet and critically evaluate such advice.
The Government has adopted the line of least resistance by relying on
bureaucrats, rather than on its own economists and other technical experts,
to interlocute with international donor agencies on policy issues.
A redeeming feature of the developments in the 1990s has been the granting
of a certain degree of autonomy to the countrys central bank. However,
apart from the occasional independence shown by its governor, who for the
first time in its history, is a well-trained economist as well as an
experienced central banker, the State Bank of Pakistan has contributed
little to promote itself as an independent centre of research and analysis
as an aid to informed economic policy making.
It is essential also that the Bank should display its independence in the
limited extent to which it is possible to do so not only from the
pressures of the government in Islamabad, but also from international
financial institutions based in Washington whose perceptions and priorities
may not always coincide with Pakistans national interests.
While it is unfair to blame the present governor for being necessarily
biased in favour of the latter because of his past employment with the IMF,
it becomes even more necessary for him to mobilise the plentiful resources
of the Bank to vigorously promote policy-oriented research on long-term
economic issues not only within the Bank, but also in other major national
institutions of research and learning.
The third is the crisis of social and economic structure, which has been
highlighted by loan default scandal. The heart of the matter concerning
most major Pakistani crises, including the present one, is the deepening
dissonance in the countrys economic and social structure.
The economic changes brought about by the neo-liberalist reforms in the
past five years or so have been undertaken piece-meal and in an
unimaginative and shoddy manner, getting the worst of both worlds of a
controlled economy and unfettered capitalism.
This has exacerbated the tensions that have existed in the Pakistani
economy since the 1960s between growth and distribution, by slowing the
pace of the former and widening the gap in the latter. Whatever trickle-
down effect may have existed in the past strategy has evaporated in the
opposite direction, scalding those at the bottom and irritating those at
the top.
Feudal stranglehold
The stranglehold of feudalism remains unmitigated, while the hothouse plant
of capitalism has failed to come of age (despite or perhaps, because of,
decades of infant industry protection) and provide the necessary breathing
space for the impoverished rural and urban classes.
Under the pressure of the IMF, the tax net may be widened to include
agriculture to give some semblance of horizontal equity in taxation.
However, it is most unlikely to make any significant dent on the power of
the landed elite or loosen their grip on the countrys polity.
Unlike East Asia in the post-war world, the foreign powers, despite their
considerable influence on the policies of our country, are unlikely to be
of much assistance in getting rid of the parasitic feudal class through
land reforms or other radical measures.
The fourth, and perhaps most important, is the crisis in the sphere of
education, which covers a very large range of issues. The educational
system in Pakistan is in an increasing state of disintegration and chaos,
reflecting the deterioration in the system of governance in general, the
paucity of resources under structural adjustment and the polarisation of
the society into those whose children can afford expensive private
education and those whose children are prematurely forced to join the work
force.
This schism, based on various factors, is steadily becoming wider with the
mushrooming of private educational institutions at all levels, catering
mainly to the affluent classes. It has been further exacerbated by
haphazard attempts to privatise state-funded universities by poorly
designed self-financing and other revenue raising schemes without any
regard to its impact on educational standards, access to education by
different socio-economic classes and other issues both of equity and
efficiency.
Despite the rhetoric to extol the virtues of education and the status of
the teacher and the scholar in society, very little is being done to give
education the national priority it deserves.
The teacher and the scholar are, in fact, given the lowliest status in the
community and they receive the most meagre rewards and amenities for their
services. While the status of women is often cited as the single most
inhibitive factor in Pakistans human development, the low esteem to
teachers and low public expenditures on education cant rank too far
behind.
It is, therefore, no surprise that the profession is unable to attract,
much less retain, the best minds in the country on a sustained basis. Those
who remain in the profession are also often sucked into the vortex of greed
and corruption that has plagued the rest of the society.
The steady deterioration of higher education, the quality of which has
declined sharply during the last two decades, is a cause for increasing
concern. Centres of higher learning are gradually losing the well-trained
and qualified staff through the process of internal and external brain
drain.
The salary structures of university teachers have become hopelessly
unattractive, compared to other opportunities available to them outside the
conductional system. In addition, the state universities are managed in a
bureaucratic manner which kills the spirit of freedom of thought,
expression and research which are the hallmark of a university.
The recent incidents in the most prestigious universities, the University
of Karachi and Quaid-i-Azam University, in which teachers have been denied
the right to express in public their views even in their own fields of
specialisation, are the most well-known examples. One shudders to imagine
the academic atmosphere that obtains in the lesser known universities and
colleges, where heads of institutions lord over their teachers in the
feudal tradition that reigns supreme.
To reduce the public expenditure on education, the government has
encouraged the growth of private educational institutions, especially in
professional fields. While it can be considered a welcome development for
ensuring the supply of high quality professionals, which our resource-
starved public institutions are unable to produce, it has created serious
questions of equity and has generated complacency about the general
standards of education.
Increased access to education is one of the few options available in
Pakistan to improve social mobility and to break the logjam of increasing
concentration of income and wealth. At present there is no effective
regulatory mechanism to oversee the operations of the private sector
educational institutions in regard to the relevant public interest issues,
including those of the recruitment and salary structures of the teachers.
As a result, the rampant growth of the recruitment and salary structures of
the teachers. As a result, the rampant growth of private educational
institutions making it perhaps one of the few high growth industries is
contributing to the increase in the inequality of opportunity that is
already a serious social problem.
Reordering priorities
It is distressful that the ordering of these various constituents of our
national crises in the current public debates is related inversely to their
intrinsic importance for public welfare. If the nation means serious
business it must get its priorities right, with education heading the list.
The undertaking of a quick redressal of the social and economic imbalances
in the employment and export-oriented development which would provide the
needed impetus to broad-based economic growth should rank next in
importance.
The current obsession with short-term structural adjustments needed to
support the unsustainable levels of private and public expenditures
involving only the upper fifth of the population will have to give way to a
much broader concern for an economy which provides opportunities for growth
and upward economic and social mobility to the remaining four fifth of the
population.
Similarly, the preoccupation with catching the 250 loan defaulters or
sacking a few hundred corrupt bureaucrats or disqualifying a few scores of
dishonest politicians, like the earlier futile exercises in expurgating 22
families and 303 officials, are unlikely to achieve much except a glare of
titillating publicity which can hardly shame our hardened anti-social
adventurers.
Close family networks cutting across the various segments of the power
structure, legal loopholes, and leakages in the financial system, which
have become even more accentuated since the liberalisation of the economy,
will ensure that most of the accused, except the least influential or the
most dim-witted, will come out unharmed, with much of their power and pelf
intact.
Most of those who were thus castigated earlier or their progeny, have come
back with a vengeance into politics, finance, real estate or other
wheeling-dealing activities. This does not, however, mean that the process
of accountability now under way should be halted or mitigated. But it does
underscore the fact that it will not be easy to achieve concrete results
and that attention needs to be devoted more towards the preventive rather
than the curative aspects of the disease.
What needs to be done, therefore, is to strive for inculcating a culture of
socially productive work and investment by promoting a structure of rewards
and fines that will motivate individuals to stay away from rent seeking and
socially non-productive activities.
In this regard, the East Asian example of performance-oriented incentive
structure seems to hold the greatest promise. This, however, requires a
careful evaluation and restructuring of our social and economic
institutions on a large scale to provide a new blueprint for a balanced and
competitive economy.
The present state of our economic management infrastructure and the key
social institution of education, unfortunately, do not hold much hope for
producing such a strategy.
The countrys Ninth Five-Year Plan, produced largely for the consumption of
the donors and to overawe the lay public, hardly proves equal to this task.
Indeed the planning exercise is becoming increasingly irrelevant as there
seems to be no consensus among political parties about the vision of our
future, except for the abolition of corruption.
Corruption, however, is merely a symptom and not a disease, which the
nation is not yet willing and prepared to get diagnosed. In the meanwhile,
witch doctors of all shades of the chameleon opinion abound in giving
prescriptions for its health, based on their own favourite mixture of
medicines. There is, however, no short-cut to economic success and social
cohesion.
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961026
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Quality of working life in Pakistan
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Sireko
QUALITY is a matter of perception, and widely differing viewpoints have
been expressed about the important dimensions of working life. Some people
associate it with job content, others with working conditions, and wages.
Some feel that career mobility opportunities are important, especially
opportunities to advance to higher-status occupations. Certainly, to many
people, the quality of supervision (considerate and thoughtful) and peer
relationships (working as members of a congenial group) are important
factors. Each of these factors may be a determinant of job satisfactionor
dissatisfaction.
The quality of working life represents a consensus regarding the adequacy
of such factors in an actual work situation. A more formal definition says
that the quality of working life is the degree to which members of a work
organisation are able to satisfy important personal needs through their
experiences in an organisation.
Richard Walton recognises 10 major aspects of quality of work life which
need special attention of organisations managers and human resource
planners: The could be listed as below:
(a) Adequate and fair pay: fair and equitable pay relationships and equal
pay for equal work performed.
(b) Benefits programmes: adequate and competitive retirement, health
insurance, vacation, and other employee benefits.
(c) A safe and healthy environment: clean and safe working conditions.
(d) Job security: continuity of employment so that the employee is
reasonably secure about the future.
(e) Free collective bargaining: the right of all employees to organise in
unions or other associations to represent themselves as a group or
profession.
(f) Growth and development: consideration of the employee as a growing,
developing human asset of the organisation.
(g) Social integration: a working climate that fosters a feeling among
employees of belonging and being needed in the organisation.
(h) Participation: employee involvement in the operations and decision
making of the organisation.
(i) Democracy at work: a recognition of employee rights and privileges
compatible with their responsibilities to the organisation.
(j) Total life space: a balance between working life and other parts of
human life: leisure, education, and family life. (Walton-1974) Essentially,
an emphasis on the quality of working life requires attention to individual
employee needs and group needs as critical management values. These factors
warrant attention on their own merits, as ends in themselves and as means
to increased individual satisfaction. They are not primarily valued because
of their potential contribution to organisational efficiency or
productivity improvement, although these may be possible side benefits of
QWL (quality of working life) programmes.
A common misunderstanding amongst Pakistani managers regarding attitudes of
employees towards work itself and organisations on the whole, productivity,
quality of work and craftsmanship etc. prevails, without a deep analysis
and the root causes of such an attitude and behaviour of employees. Common
beliefs about Pakistani employees could be summarised in the following way:
Willy nilly one is compelled to admit that a Pakistani employee [if left on
his own] does not like work. He would try his best to avoid work if not
properly supervised and checked. His productivity level is terribly low and
he is highly demoralised when compared with his counterpart in other parts
of the world. His attitude towards job and organisation is at best casual
if not hostile. He does not pay enough attention to the subtleties of his
job content and, therefore, is least bothered to produce high quality goods
and services. His craftsmanship is poor even when assisted by advanced
machinery and equipment.
The wage-output correlation
All these observations and beliefs might be true to varying degrees.
However, no serious attempt has been made especially by managers,
supervisors, and entrepreneurs to investigate the causes of such attitudes
and behaviour. Of course, Pakistani employees are not born with these
attitudes. Further, attitudes, behaviour, norms, and values [positive or
negative] transfer not through blood from one generation to another, rather
they are learned through the phenomenon of stimuli-and-response. There are
a number of environmental factors that influence and effect attitudes and
behaviour of people at work adversely.
For instance, if a maid is not paid reasonable wages for her household job,
we should not expect from her higher levels of productivity, honesty, high
quality work, and other positive attitudes towards work.
This author has often listened to ill-tempered complaints of people
regarding their household servants. These complaints range from laziness
and low integrity to low productivity and excess of holidays. Most of the
complainants claim that they pay handsome wages and other fringe benefits
[in the form of free meals, used clothing, and shoes, interest-free loans,
etc.] in general and household servants in particular are paid at terribly
lower rates. Monthly wages of these quasi-slaves [i.e. household servants]
range from a meagre Rs 200 to Rs 1000 depending on the age, experience and
bargaining power of these employees and social status, locality, affluence
and relative generosity of their employers. No governmental rules,
regulations or labour laws concerning minimum wages, gazetted holidays,
length of working hours, weekly holiday, minimum age limit of workers,
maximum number of working hours per day, overtime payments etc are
applicable in case of household servants. Similar working conditions [and
in many cases even worse conditions] are fate of minors working in such
small business ventures as motor workshops, roadside hotels and
restaurants, shops and smaller industrial units [involved in production of
such items as sweats, biscuits, artificial ornaments, plastic bags,
medicines, etc.].
It would not be an over-statement to say that perhaps no other management
concept has received as little attention in Pakistan [both from management
writers, researchers, and practising managers] as the concept of QWL.
Various aspects of Quality of? The quality of working life [as described by
Richard Walton] needs immediate attention by legislators, regulating
agencies, management instructors researchers and writers as well as by
practising managers/professionals and entrepreneurs. Needless to repeat
that the quality of work life needs to be substantially improved for all
segments of work force [especially for children] not because such measures
would increase productivity and motivation. But various aspects of QWL
warrant rectification on their own merit, just to build an equitable and
just society; where man is not free to exploit another man.
Such environment is mandatory not only because this would lead to a more
peaceful, congenial society but also since in the long run, only such
societies will survive and flourish.
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961026
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Pakistans economic standing today
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S.S. Hyder
DESPITE the rosy picture of the MOUs and all that wishful thinking about
Pakistan entering the 21st century as an Asian Tiger, the economy of the
nation is plummeting. The Pak rupee is getting weaker and weaker, exports
are falling, imports rising, and life for the man on the street becoming a
bundle of hardships.
The French Ministry of Agriculture cancels the contract of Pakistani fish
exporter as the quality of the fish is not acceptable due to unhygienic
packing and processing conditions and non-observation of standards. Japan
has already banned the import of our shrimps because of pigmentation
resulting in black spots called Melanosis.
Now we dont have enough wheat, sugar, potatoes, tomatoes etc. to eat. We
grow less and have more mouths to feed till we are forced to these
commodities from India. What a far cry from the times when this region was
termed the granary of undivided India.
How the IMF is treating the Government is quite evident.
The Government treated the IMF prescription as the panacea for all national
ailments, but it has itself become a hostage in the clutches of the
creditors.
Today Pakistans economy harbours four big contradictions. First of all,
there is the tussle between the present day requirements and the future
needs. More expenses on today reduce the purse for spending on a better
tomorrow. While the government goes levying one tax after another, the
social security net, which is the fundamental right of every citizen, and
which the masses are demanding, continues to elude them.
However, we have to admit that all is not gloom and that many sincere and
selfless experts have already given their practical submissions. Whether
they will make an impact on the governments psyche remains to be seen.
What is certain is that time is running out and we are heading towards
bankruptcy. It is again submitted that agricultural reforms are a must for
the uplift of the national economy. Agricultural land should be given to
all who want to sweat and toil and grow food. This should be for very
nominal charges and long lease time say, for 25 years.
Small loans on easy terms and conditions be given to the informal sector
for the development of the economy at the grassroots. Petty workers,
artisans, craftsmen, and cottage industry entrepreneurs should be able to
come up. Such innovative experiments in Korea and Bangladesh with its
Gramaen Bank have shown very promising results. This development may be
linked further with bigger industries.
A labour policy should be chalked out with the consultation of labourers,
industrialists, the judiciary and the government for complete harmony.
Let Pakistan stand on its own feet for self-sufficiency so that our country
should be free economically. At the moment we are under a debt of $28
billion. This is the foreign debt we have to pay. The internal debt payable
is about Rs.859 billion.
Devaluation
Instead of these debts decreasing, they are increasing due to devaluation,
inflation, and interest. As such, self-sufficiency will always remain
elusive, the way we are heading. We have to lay special emphasis on the
informal sector.
We must do away with all the facilities and concessions mentioned in the
Income Tax Ordinance, 1979, Schedule II. That way, we could mop up at least
Rs.115 billion. Agricultural land must be taxed, the landlord must pay tax.
This can bring us about Rs 40 billion per year. Only such decisive steps
taken religiously may lead us towards self sufficiency.
Unproductive expenses must be cut down. It is not a stage where the
government only should be condemned. This is the geba bent of mind which we
must denounce. This is the general collective social psyche, and it must be
nipped.
Political brinkmanship
The opposition parties, pouncing at the political instability, have drawn
up a comprehensive charge sheet against the ruling party but that just is
not the way. If they really want to do something constructive, let them
just come out with a comprehensive programme for coming to grips with the
umpteen economic ills afflicting the nation today. They should declare
demonstrate their sincerity in the abolition of feudalism, boosting the
informal sector, developing regional trade, minimising import, maximising
exports, cutting down unproductive expenses, realise that ethnic
differences can only be solved by economic equality, justice and rule of
law, through accountability. Respectable nations have opposition parties
who are equally competent to solve the national, economic and social
problems of their country through constant debates and dialogue. The nation
should always have the right of information and a proper law be passed by
the parliament for the same. A complete survey and report must be published
about the national wealth and its justified exploitation.
Unfortunately, the upstart, noveau riche, get-rich-quick class just do not
have patience. They want quick, fat returns the moment investment is made.
They refuse to join the mainstream of the struggle against corruption and
moral decay in which the people of Pakistan are poised. They would rather
utilise their time and energy in the frantic race to purchase dollars. And,
for such people, there is good news. Twenty-two per cent shares of Portugal
Telecom were privatised in June 1996, setting a record for demand and
raising a total ESC 147.1 billion (US$94.7 million). Further 22 companies
in 1996 and 1997 are going to be privatised. The investment where private
sector may also subscribe are steel, shipbuilding, oil, chemicals, mining
gas, paper pulp and tobacco as well as airport management and motorway
construction and operation.
In addition to Portugal Telecom, the biggest sales will be global offers of
Electricdale-De-Portugal, the national power company and CIMPOR a cement
producer (The Economist, July 1996).
The difference between privatisation in Pakistan and Portugal is that in
case of the former, we just sell off to clear our debts. Even here the
figures dished out by official agencies leave quite a bit of room for
doubt. In Portugal, the government is accountable to the masses.
In the case of the latter, it is aimed at promoting social and economic
justice, equality of opportunity, and economic integration. We could get a
vivid idea of the difference by comparing the stock market of Lisbon which
has touched record highs, with our stock markets.
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961028
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Moeen opposes new taxes in Pakistan
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Staff Correspondent
WASHINGTON, Oct 27: Former caretaker Prime Minister Moeen Qureshi has
opposed Prime Minister Benazir Bhuttos latest mini-budget in Pakistan
saying there was no need to impose additional taxes which are already
excessively high.
Pakistan should reduce the tax rates so that the people can pay and those
who are assessed are made to pay. Those who cheat must be penalised, Mr
Qureshi said in an interview with a Pakistan TV Channel, Awaz, telecast in
Washington on Sunday.
Asked whether he was satisfied with the way the government was handling the
economy, the former caretaker prime minister said: I am not satisfied, I
am not sure the expenditures of the government are in areas of high
economic priorities. I am not equally sure that all steps needed to be
taken to collect revenues are there.
As I see the situation it seems the answer is not to apply additional
taxes. I think Pakistans taxes are already excessively high. The thing is
to reduce rates so people pay and those who are assessed are made to pay.
Those who cheat are cheating their fellows and they be penalised.
To a question whether Pakistan was about to fall in the debt trap, Mr
Qureshi said Pakistans foreign and domestic debt has become alarmingly
large.
The concern and focus in Pakistan in the past has been on size of foreign
debt but main problem is that it is short term and therefore there is a
risk that Pakistan may not be able to finance it. In case of domestic debt
it has been growing steadily and rapidly. At present debt servicing is one
third of the budget which is excessive, he said.
He observed: What you are doing is creating an engine of inflation. In
future it would burden future generations. They will bear the cost of the
spendthrift policies of this generation. The most important thing that can
be done is to make absolutely sure that privatisation programmes use their
proceeds to repay the debt. That is what I had done. I established a decree
and structure which said every penny obtained from privatisation be used to
repay the debt. You can stabilise the situation in that way.
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961029
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PM forms new team of money managers
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Bureau Report
ISLAMABAD, Oct 28: Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto has changed her team of
financial managers and appointed Syed Naveed Qamar and Moeen Afzal as
federal minister for finance and secretary, finance, respectively.
The adviser to the prime minister, V.A.Jafarey, has gone on leave but would
continue in the same position. The cabinet has granted only one-month
leave to Mr Jafarey, though he wanted to be away for three months, the
Secretary, Information, Haji Akram, told reporters at a briefing after a
cabinet meeting here on Monday.
He said the Special Secretary, Ministry of Finance, Moeen Afzal, would
replace Mian Tayyub Hussain, who had been appointed Secretary, Industries.
Also , the chief executive of the Muslim Commercial Bank has been appointed
consultant to the ministry of finance.
No decision had been taken to replace State Minister for Finance Makhdoom
Shahabuddin , Haji Akram told a reporter.
Asked who would now lead Pakistan at the ongoing talks with the
International Monetary Fund, after Mr Jafarey had applied for leave, Haji
Akram said the task had been given to prime ministers Special Assistant
Shahid Hasan Khan.
Sources said the issue of replacing financial managers of the government
had been discussed and finalised at the cabinet meeting where a consensus
emerged that such a person should be appointed finance minister as had a
political background. It was said during the cabinet meeting that time had
come when the government should stop banking on technocrats.
The sources said the prime minister also said she was not in favour of
appointing technocrats as they only sought lucrative jobs and did not have
vision to deliver the goods.
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961031
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Islamabad, IMF agree on economic reforms
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Bureau Report
ISLAMABAD, Oct 30 : Pakistan and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) have
hammered out an agreement on all policy matters, paving the way for
Islamabad to receive 80 million dollars tranche of 600 million dollars
Standby Arrangements (SBA) soon.
The IMF announced on Wednesday night that it would immediately resume
financial support to Pakistan.
Announcing this the Resident Representative of the Fund in Pakistan said
the agreement has been reached on all policy matters between the visiting
mission of International Monetary Fund and the Government of Pakistan on
stabilisation and reform programme.
He said in a press statement that the agreement was based on the measures
that the government had announced on Oct 22.
Pakistans assurances to achieve 4 per cent GDP budget deficit target and
single digit rate of inflation along with limiting undue monetary expansion
during the current financial year, had helped to convince the IMF team to
resume Pakistans assistance, sources further stated.
This has also happened for the first time that the local IMF office has
issued any statement confirming that Pakistan and the Fund had reached an
agreement on major policy matters.
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961031
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Active follow-up support sends leading shares higher
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Staff Reporter
KARACHI, Oct 30: Firmer conditions prevailed on the stock market on
Wednesday as leading shares tended further higher on active follow-up
support.
End of Jamaats sit-in campaign to oust the government was said to be the
chief driving force behind the run-up as investors were back in the rings
to make new account buying.
However, the opening was not that promising as investors were still in two
minds about the direction of the market and played mostly safe early in the
session.
But the mid-session saw a spat of new buying offers from all the quarters
led, of course, by some leading institutional traders, enabling the market
to stage a solid rally.
The-KSE 100-share index, therefore, showed a fresh modest gain of 10.93
points at 1,444.99 as compared to 1,434.06 a day earlier, reflecting the
strength of base shares.
Floor brokers said apart from being in a highly oversold position, the
market has some other positive developments, which could enable it to
sustain the current tempo of recovery.
Positive feelers from Islamabad after talks with the visiting IMF team
suggest that the sailing so far is pretty encouraging, they added.
They said release of $600m stand-by credit and resumption of foreign aid in
due course did not allow investors to lay guard and they bought at will.
But cue to things to come is certainly provided by the presence of strong
foreign fund buying and their presence ensure a sustained bull-run,
analysts said.
However, by and large, the buying interest was largely selective and was
centred mostly around low-priced blue chips, notably bank, cement, and
energy shares, which rose in unison but modestly.
The new entrant in the active list were led by synthetic shares, which
recovered sharply on the perception that the 8.5 per cent devaluation of
the rupee will make import of synthetic yarn most expensive and in turn
will make them more competitive on the local market.
Dewan Salman, Dhan Fibre and Pakistan Synthetics were among the leading
gainers in the synthetic sector.
Other good gainers were led by Siemens Pakistan, which rose by over Rs 30
during the last few sessions on strong support aided by market talk of
higher earning and an expectations of an interim dividend.
Grays of Cambridge, 4th ICP Mutual Fund, PSO, Pakistan Refinery, Shabbir
Tiles, Orix Leasing and 6th ICP Mutual Fund were among the other major
gainers. Dawood Hercules fell sharply apparently on news of lower earnings,
falling Rs 18 but only on 100 shares, reflecting that investors were not
inclined to part with its shares for fears of further decline.
Dadabhoy Insurance, which is currently being quoted spot to forestall
further steep decline in share value shed another Rs 15 and so did Shell
Pakistan after rising by Rs 6.50 in late on Tuesday evening trading. Other
losses were mostly fractional.
Traded volume was maintained at the overnight level of 37m shares but bulk
of it went to the credit of a dozen actives.
The most active list was again topped by Hub-Power, up 55 paisa on 6.245m
shares followed by PTC vouchers, easy 15 paisa on 5.176m, ICI Pakistan(r),
higher 55 paisa on 1.648m, Dewan Salman, sharply higher by Rs 2.80 on
1.415m shares and Dhan Fibre, firm 55 paisa on 1.299m shares.
Other actively traded shares were led by ICI Pakistan, higher 50 paisa on
0.455m, MCB, up 55 paisa on 0.298m, and FFC-Jordan Fertiliser, steady 30
paisa on 0.521m shares.
There were 322 actives, which came in for trading, out of which 121 shares
suffered fractional declines, while 118 rose, with 83 holding on to the
last levels.
-------------------------------------------------------------------
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961025
-------------------------------------------------------------------
The public perception
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Ardeshir Cowasjee
THE thinking people of Pakistan believe their country is viable, that
nature has gifted it with sufficient resources, that its people if well-
educated and well-led can be industrious and productive.
The thinking people of Pakistan loathe the plunderers, the liars, the
cheats, the fools and the charlatans who claw themselves into power and
have, over the years, rocked and weakened the countrys very foundations
until we find ourselves where we are today, nearing rock-bottom.
The perception of the thinking people of Pakistan now is:
The edifice of the state It does not stand on a level plane. It rests
precariously on four pillars. Two of these, the Army and the judiciary,
hold up the two corners of one diagonal. The third corner is weakly
supported by a seemingly strengthened President, and the fourth by a
threatened beleaguered Press. The conventional pillars, the legislative and
the executive, crumbled long ago.
The army Our COAS, General Jehangir Karamat, a professional soldier, does
not favour martial law and has no ambitions to impose it or to take over.
He has earned the peoples respect. The general well knows that when the
Prime Minister angrily publicly declares that she will never slash the
defence budget, this is said to rouse the peoples sense of deprivation and
their anger against the army.
The judiciary Headed by Chief Justice Sajjad Ali Shah. It is asserting
itself. It has so far withstood pressures exerted by the executive. The
judges are on the right track towards full independence. The people are
forgiving of any past weaknesses perceived.
A five-member bench of the Supreme Court is now adjudicating an important
issue. Assisting them as amicus is my friend, Jadoogar of Jeddah
Sharifuddin Pirzada. The nearer he gets to his Maker, the weaker his heart
pumps, the straighter he gets. He wishes to be remembered as a statesman.
During the October 22 hearing, the Presidents lawyer, Shahid Hamid, made
the request that the government make public the Mehran Bank report
exonerating the President. This is a just demand. The court is competent to
order that it be produced.
The President - Sardar Farooq Ahmed Khan, Tumandar Leghari, a perfect
partyman for two and a half years from December 1993, has been forced by
circumstances (or otherwise) to find his feet. As long as he proceeds along
this course, he must be supported. As supreme commander of the armed forces
he rightly appointed (whether forced to or not) on pure merit, General
Karamat as COAS. Had he given in to the urgings of the Prime Minister and
appointed one of her favourite generals, we would have been in deep
trouble.
Constitutionally, the President can be as powerful and effective as he
wishes to be. When the country has to be saved, he has to take quick
decisions. Half-measures will not work. He is aware that the Prime Minister
is doing everything possible to deviate, or to stall, in order to lengthen
her second spell in office, to cling to power, come what may.
The Prime Minister The least said about her, her family, the prowlers in
her kitchen cabinet, her sycophants and bag- carriers in her secretariat,
the better. None of them can mend their ways. She has no remorse. She
admits to no faults. Her word now carries no credibility with the people,
the President, or the IMF.
The Parliament The people say to those that sit therein what Oliver
Cromwell said to the Rump Parliament in 1653, You have sat too long here
for any good you have been doing. Depart, I say, and let us have done with
you. In the name of God, go. But remain in the country till the
accountability commissioner catches up with you.
The new honourable Attorney-General On October 20 he rang. I am Iqbal
Haider. Which Iqbal Haider? I asked. Groovy, he said. Do not condemn me
without hearing me. Why should I condemn you? I replied. I like you. You
are as innocent of law as any of your party cronies and contenders for the
post. You are not part of the evil that surrounds and supports you, and
that is a great plus point. As far as the people are concerned, Groovy is
as insignificant as his predecessor Qazi Jameel. They know that he is not
the first law officer of the land who will merely advocate his partys
cause.
The Governor of the State Bank of Pakistan - Dawns headline, October 23:
Yaqub warns money-changers, over the sentence ...He also sounded a stern
warning to money changers blaming them for rumour-mongering and speculation
about devaluation.
A citizen breaks no law by being realistic and apprehending a reality. Does
the governor not know that when men likened to Capone or Dillinger seek
investments, nothing comes in? The people know of no good reason why the
rupee should rise. I say that if things do not change incisively and
instantly, the price of the dollar may well be Rs.50 by the end of
December.
On October 22, the governor announced a mini-budget. A budget is by
definition a political statement, setting out the economic platform of the
party in power. It can never be a bureaucratic exercise. Constitutionally,
the presentation and approval of a budget in parliament is the litmus test
of the governments control over parliament. By announcing a mini-budget
the governor has contravened a fundamental rule relating to public
servants, and has trespassed into the field of politics. He should stick to
what is expected of him and, for one, tell us what action he intends taking
in the National Investment Trust fiasco.
When Asadullah Sheikh was appointed Chairman and Managing Director of NIT
in January 1994, spread all over the Press was the news that young
inexperienced Asadullah will be controlled by either Mr A or Mr Z, and that
by accident or design, the NIT unit holders could be relieved of as much as
Rs.10 million per day, to somebodys the advantage. When he was relieved of
his position early this month, he had more than completed his mission.
Copies of Yaqubs State Bank report on NIT, prepared in July 1996 were
distributed to the NIT trustees at the Board meeting on October 1, as part
of the last item on the agenda, Any other matter. According to this
report, Asadullah and his Board of government-nominated trustees oversaw
the blatant robbing of close to a billion rupees of unit holders money held
in trust by them.
In autumn 1995, Asadullah, obtaining the approval of his Board, disbursed
Rs. 5225 million to Chakwal Cement Company Ltd, against 52.5 million shares
of the company at Rs. 10 each (the market price was Rs. 8.50). This despite
the fact that NIT had received no dividend income in 1994-95 from any of
the Chakwal Groups companies on its investment of Rs. 290 million, that it
had an aggregate capital loss of Rs. 117 million on its total investment in
the Group, that Chakwal Cement does not expect to give any dividend until
2001. All this was done when the State Bank knew that the Groups overdues
and defaults totalled over half a billion rupees (Rs. 536 million). Chakwal
Cements shares are now quoting at Rs. 3.80. Capital loss, Rs. 325.5
million.
In January 1996, Rs. 49 million was disbursed to an unlisted company, Schon
Refinery Ltd, by MD Asadullah without Board approval. No one from NIT had
visited the project site, nor examined the feasibility report nor monitored
its implementation. In lieu thereof, NIT was promised 2,446,000 shares of
the refinery at Rs. 20 per share when floated. The Rs. 10 shares carried a
premium of Rs. 10, allowed by the Corporate Law Authority. At the time the
money was given, the State Bank knew that overdues and defaults of the
Schon Group stood at Rs. 141 million. The refinery project has been
abandoned and the unfortunate young new professional Chairman and Managing
Director Razi-ur-Rahman is left holding a worthless piece of paper.
The public perception is that among others, those culpable for this loss
which the unit holders (pension funds, pensioners, widows, housewives,
small savers, the poor) have been deliberately made to suffer are the
Government of Pakistan, the State Bank, the Corporate Law Authority and the
government- nominated Chairman and Managing Director Asadullah Shaikh (now
reportedly enjoying his R&R leave in England), and the Trustees of NIT.
The honourable governor will doubtlessly remain silent.
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961027
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Beyond accountability
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Omar Kureishi
AT least, we all seem to agree that something good and positive has been
done. There is a muted welcome for the Accountability Bill but because we
have become cynics, having been taken for a ride too often, it is a sort of
wait-and-see welcome.
Predictably and understandably there has been opposition to the Bill, but
not on principle but on its modalities. Some of this opposition comes in
the category of point scoring. There is nothing wrong with that. It is a
part of the cut and thrust of politics. Accountability has become a battle-
cry, it encapsulates all our grievances and we attribute all our misery to
the fact that those in the public domain are able to do whatever they
please whether being answerable, leave alone being punished for wrong-
doing.
Accountability, however, is applied only to financial impropriety which
covers a multitude of sins, commissions, kick- backs, under-the-table deals
and outright bribery. We choose not to see accountability in a wider
context. For instance should there not be accountability for the many
disastrous policies that were pursued, the policies to live beyond our
means by accumulating debts? This was considered smart economics and the
prowess and skill of government functionaries was measured by their success
in negotiating loans. No thought was given to the grim reality that these
loans would have to be paid back in those halcyon days. And should there
not have been accountability for the mother of all disastrous policies that
led to the creation of Bangladesh?
When there was a major rail accident in India, the Minister of Railways,
the late Lal Bahadur Shastri resigned accepting responsibility. When a JAL
aircraft met with an accident, the chairman of the airline resigned. It
would seem it is not a part of our culture to accept responsibility for
failed policies. The most we will do is to pass the buck and nail some low
level functionary and make him a scapegoat. There have been countless
commissions of inquiries, all starting with a bang and ending not only with
a whimper but the findings put in cold storage to gather dust or consigned
to some bureaucratic limbo.
Still, the need of the hour is to curb corruption if not eliminate it and
no one can disagree that some sort of reckoning is needed. It is also
necessary that this reckoning or accountability should be without fear or
favour, should be seen to be above board and not deteriorate into a witch-
hunt. The Prime Minister has done well to offer herself for accountability.
Let all others follow suit, particularly those who have been casting stones
with abandon.
Corruption is perceived as the root of all our evils and well it may be.
The Accountability Bill could be a start. But we need to go beyond it. We
must see the fight against corruption as moral cleansing and not political
therapy. This, however, is easier said than done.
In all the sound and fury, the dust and heat of corruption charges and
counter-charges, we have totally forgotten that there is an endless list of
basic wants and these are going unaddressed and even if we have a
corruption-free society, an unlikely if not a utopian prospect, more than
half our population would still need safe drinking water, will need some
measure of health care, will need education. When are we going to re-adjust
our priorities?
Corruption is not peculiar to our country. We need only to look around our
neighbourhood to know that corruption is flourishing and in robust health.
One has only to read Indian newspapers to know how endemic it is in that
country. Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, even China are not lily-white
societies. But they are going ahead with their social agenda even as a few
(or many) line their pockets. It is interesting to note that despite the
best efforts of Senator Dole to nail Bill Clinton on what are perceived to
be acts of gross wrong-doing and financial hanky-panky, Whitewater being
one of them and the Indonesian connection being the latest, Clinton remains
well ahead in the polls. It is not that the American public condones wrong-
doing but they are more concerned about the real issues, matters that will
affect or improve the quality of their lives. John Majors Tory Party is
beset with scandals but these scandals will have only a marginal bearing on
the future prospects of the Tories.
I do not believe that we can have a corruption-free society. Those who are
saying that they will eliminate corruption are in fact saying that they
will abolish human nature. When I first went to China in 1956, I was
enormously impressed by the social changes that were being attempted. One
of the claims that was made was that crime had been all but eliminated. I
took this claim at face value but I did ask my interpreter whether this
meant that the jails had been done away with. He was surprised by the
question, as if I had bowled him a googly. In 1964 when I went again to
China, I met the legendary Dr Ma, a Lebanese doctor. He told me that
venereal disease had been wiped out. again, I had no reason to disbelieve
him but suggested that there might be an element of exaggeration in that
claim. The point I wanted to make to him was that while radical changes
could be brought about in the structure of society, the fundamental nature
of human beings could not be changed.
By all means let us launch a crusade against corruption and let there be an
across-the-board accountability. But we must get our priorities in order.
Some energy should be saved for setting the basics right, like grass-roots
social justice so that the people can live with honour and in peace, so
that we can introduce a sense of purpose in their lives. It may be true
that people are tired of corruption. But they are also tired of rhetoric
and bluster.
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961028
-------------------------------------------------------------------
A matter of timing
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Mohammad Malick
THE phrase Byzantine intrigues no longer suffices to describe the
political climate of the federal capital where more intrigues are being
disclosed or and claimed in one day than those witnessed by the people of
the Eastern Roman Empire in a whole lifetime. But at the same time, all
rhetoric notwithstanding, things are far from normal.
Starting from her recent exhaustive discourse in parliament when Ms Bhutto
insisted that she would never resign under any circumstances, even she is
no longer maintaining any facade of normality, either. Gone is the stance
where the president was the governments best friend and it faced no threat
to its existence. Now it appears, the government appears hell bent upon
painting itself as being the persistent target of an elaborate conspiracy
which incorporates all the necessary elements such as serious economic
problems complicated by a crisis of confidence between the prime minister
and the other two equally important parts of the ruling equation.
Already various institutions are engaged in exercises to comprehend the
consequences of the visibly changed political strategy of the government
and the situation paper drafted by one particular sensitive intelligence
agency is believed to be quite incisive.
The paper argues that the announcement of the mini-budget by the governor
of the State Bank, Dr Muhammad Yaqub, who has been at odds with the
government in the past, is of great significance. It indirectly suggests
that the main share of blame for the nations financial woes has now been
shifted away from the government in one stroke. The prime minister has now
repeatedly claimed that she had told off the IMF on the issue of reducing
armys budget and would rather resign than agree to this measure. She
declared that she would rather cut the development expenditure and impose
new taxes than put the nations security in jeopardy.
Knowledgeable people deduce from this working paper that the prime minister
may have delivered a masterly stroke by projecting two things:
a) The IMF package imposed on the people is not her doing but has been
imposed on her by the presidential camp and factors like the delegation to
the US being led by Dr Yaqub and the inclusion in it of a supposedly
presidential sympathiser, Shahid Hassan Khan, are being pointed out as
reliable indicators.
b) She has tried claiming that the harsh economic measures were mandated
because her government had refused to cut down on armys budget, in other
words the armys funding requirements may be the biggest contributor to the
nations continuing economic miseries.
However, the fact remains that the latest mini-budget is not a result of
any new agreement enforced by the IMF to the exclusion of the prime
minister and her financial team, but is simply a delayed implementation of
the earlier deals made by her government. Secondly, according to insiders,
while Shahid Hassan may have enjoyed the confidence of the president in the
early stages of his career, he no longer figures on the preference list of
the president.
With the prime minister herself conceding the existence of an ongoing
conspiracy aimed at her ouster little doubt remains on this front. The only
ambiguity that is there is about the modalities of such a move. The recent
government manoeuvres tend to suggest that while the prime minister may
have no intentions to resign a la Nawaz Sharif, she might be angling to be
evicted forcibly from office but at a time of her choosing and on a cause
of her liking.
If a case is being built against her on the questions of violation of the
Constitution and the law of the land, it is clear that being the astute
politician that she is, Benazir Bhutto is preparing a simultaneous counter
case of her own, that of projecting herself as a political martyr for her
eventual return to power. What remains to be seen is who gets to do what at
whose choice of timing. For, in the long run the timing will decide the
political complexion of our country for decades to come.
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961028
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Chasing shadows: the Republics enduring pastime
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Ayaz Amir
AN unsuspecting traveller, new to the ways of our Republic, might think
that great issues were at stake in the present political crisis.
The President writing admonishing letters to the Prime Minister, the Prime
Minister using every available opportunity to scream of conspiracies
against democracy (by which of course she means her own government), the
Supreme Court sitting in grave judgement over matters referred to it by the
President, the Lahore High Court hearing Mian Manzoor Ahmed Wattoos
petition against his ouster as chief minister, the nations permanent
Doctors of Doom (as a headline in the News describes them) led by Nawabzada
Nasrullah Khan rushing in to feast at Wattoos table, an inquiry tribunal
in Karachi trying to get to the bottom of Murtazas killing which remains a
mystery only for the Prime Minister, the principal opposition leader
announcing a nation- wide strike against the governments latest financial
measures and the government, responding to the Jamaats call for a sit-in
before Parliament, deciding to seal off the capital completely.
What a litany of events and what a picture of turbulence it conveys. The
unsuspecting traveller alighting suddenly in Pakistan would be forgiven for
thinking that behind the drama of these events basic issues of a momentous
nature await resolution. Nothing could be further from the truth.
All that has happened in this chaotic year is that another government (the
self-immolatory exercise of power being a constant in Pakistani politics)
has succeeded in turning every gun in sight against itself. As a
consequence, the principal issue at stake in this crisis is not the future
direction of the country, as the wishful amongst us would like to believe,
but the governments survivability. Can it hold on till the next election
or is it destined for the chop in one form or the other? Important as this
question is, an answer either way makes little difference to the people
whose name is invoked every time a pundit wishes to make a sweeping
statement or a politician is about to rend the skies with another slogan.
Benazir Bhuttos bizarre and almost surreal gift for defying common sense
and insisting, against the evidence, on her infallibility is not at issue
here. Among the long line of failures and mediocrities who have flitted
through the halls of government in Pakistan, her name and that of her
husbands who has shared power with her, will perhaps shine the brightest.
There are princes and rulers who leave no trace in history. The dyarchy of
Benazir Bhutto and Asif Ali Zardari will be remembered not so much for its
slime and corruption as for its sublime heedlessness for doing things,
questionable things most of the time, without caring for the consequences.
Yet the point to note is that despite this record, no French or Bolshevik
Revolution is knocking at the gates in Pakistan.
The major charge against the Bhutto government is that it has flouted all
the rules whether in awarding contracts, taking decisions or in making
appointments and opened needless fronts against the Supreme Court and the
Presidency. Abiding by the rules is very important for not to do so invites
the anarchy that we are seeing under the Bhutto government. But abiding by
the rules alone is not the essence or the sum-total of Pakistans problems.
We have had governments in the past which observed the rules, which did not
ride roughshod over merit and which saw to it that discipline was observed
in the financial and fiscal sectors. The Ayubian decade to which many
senior bureaucrats, serving and retired, hark back with a nostalgic feeling
could be cited as the prime example of such a dispensation. About the Zia
regime too it is said that even if during its soporific and stultifying
tenure political institutions were destroyed, the integrity of the
bureaucracy and the financial sector was not violated.
Even if these examples are accepted, it is still pertinent to ask as to
what these two eras achieved, eras which between them account for 22 years
of Pakistans history? What good did they do the country? At its lower
levels those which matter to most people the administration was not
more caring or more responsive to public needs than it is today. In fact,
during the sixties the arrogance of the bureaucracy was as great if not
greater than the arrogance of the political class which we decry nowadays.
Corruption was consolidated because the bureaucracy was not accountable to
anyone except its masters like the Nawab of Kalabagh in West Pakistan and
Abdul Monem Khan in the eastern wing. Much the same was true of Zia-ul-
Haqs martial law where against the corrupt police officer or revenue
official most of the time there was no redress.
Today at least the cry is strong that the politician should be held to
account for his actions and misdeeds. This is a good thing but it comes
from having democracy and a free Press. During the Ayub and Zia eras deputy
commissioners were kings and federal secretaries part of the divine order
of things. It should therefore come as no surprise if much of the parroting
of the phrase good governance comes from the lips of retired and serving
bureaucrats who conveniently forget that when they were all powerful the
rules may have been observed but the common man in his relationship with
the thanedar and the patwari was no better off than he is today.
Now suppose today Benazir Bhutto gets her marching orders and Asif Ali
Zardari the come-uppance which he so richly deserves. If things work out
smoothly after that we can expect the crisis of power currently bedevilling
the country to be swiftly resolved. The President and their lordships of
the superior judiciary will be pleased with themselves. A few heads will
roll and some of the people now cutting such a fine figure will be shown
their places. In the higher business of the Republic rules will be observed
and there will be transparency in the awarding of contracts and other
business deals involving the state. Without a doubt these are eminently
good and necessary things to do. But the problems which stifle the energies
of the Pakistani people and which prevent them from securing their rightful
place in the sun require much more than the observance of propriety and due
form.
How will the common man benefit from an independent superior judiciary
whose judges are appointed on the advice of the Chief Justice? Those who
wax eloquent about the virtues of an independent judiciary forget that in a
country like Pakistan a Justice Kayani or some other fearless judge can
influence matters in a small number of cases only. The systematic and petty
tyranny which the toiling masses (no cliche this) have to put up with in
their relationship with the thanedar and the patwari (the twin symbols of
the Pakistani state) remains unchallenged and unaffected. For each Feroza
Begum who is provided relief by the superior judiciary there are hundreds
of other people who have no defence or redress against the arbitrariness of
state authority. After the recent attack on SHO Zeeshan Kazmi hundreds of
people were rounded up and brought to the Khokrapar Police Station. How
many of them can approach the high court? And if they cannot, what remedy
can the Chief Justice of Pakistan have for their plight?
Benazir Bhutto and her husband are symbols, albeit shining ones, of what is
wrong with the country. But they neither encompass nor exhaust the problems
of Pakistan because these problems are much greater than their persons. To
really suppose that much goodwill come from the present rage over
accountability (a word so grossly misused and so often that its unthinking
use deserves to be made a cognisable offence) is to invest faith in
trifles.
Of course, a start has to be made somewhere and anything done in the name
of accountability will be a good start. But there should be no illusions
that such a process, given the instruments at hand, will amount to no more
than scratching the surface of he problem. The terms of the Pakistani
revolution we are currently witnessing are limited: to ensure simply that
in the conduct of government the rules, such as they are, are not brazenly
violated. This is a formula for tinkering, not an agenda for change.
===================================================================
961025
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*From messenger to youngest Test player
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Special Representative
FAISALABAD, Oct 24: A boy, who just started his cricket only two years back
and also served as a messenger at the National Stadium Press box, is now
the youngest player to earn a Test cap.
Hasan Raza is the teenager who has broken a long standing record of
compatriot and now his manager Mushtaq Mohammad by a long margin of 251
days.
Raza, born on March 11, 1982 at Karachi, started serious cricket in 1994
when he joined one of the city clubs, Khudadad Gymkhana. In an years time,
he went onto skipper KCCA Zone II in the KCCA Inter-Zonal Under-14
Championships and a year later i.e. this season, he earned the selectors
nod for the Junior World Cup in England. Good performance there, helped
Raza earn selection for the KCCA Under-19 team which was to defend its
title. Raza not only helped KCCA retain the honour but he helped himself by
slamming four centuries, including one in the final, watched by the
national selection committee.
Picked up for the Sahiwal three-dayer, Raza played impressively for 58 and
22 but failed to earn a call for the Sheikhupura Test. But Shadab Kabirs
failure and his personal innings of 96 and 22 in the Quaid-i-Azam Trophy
match between Karachi Blues and Whites, made the selectors to invite him
for the series decider.
Now that he has taken the field, and has opened his account with a
magnificent boundary off Paul Strang, it is to be seen how he fares in the
Test and in future.
I will show that I am good enough and the selectors have done right by
selecting me ahead of many other senior pros, a modest but determined
Hasan Raza said.
Raza, second of three brothers and as many sisters, didnt hide his
ambitions either. I want to go step by step. I am not in a hurry. I want
to perform in this Test, then in the next and so on.
I dont believe in achieving landmarks. I only believe that if I ensure my
place in the team, I will be able to walk over all records, Raza, a Matric
student of Boys Secondary School, FC Area, said.
Hasan Raza said My happiness was unlimited when I was selected for the
World Challenge Cup in England. So you can judge what I would be feeling
playing Test cricket with the players I watched on television. Its an
honour, pride and the greatest moment of my life. I hope I keep carrying on
from here.
MUSHTAQ MOHAMMAD: Mushtaq Mohammad, who saw his record vanish from the
record books from the players gallery, was all praise for Hasan Raza. I
congratulate him and wish him the best of luck.
He has been picked purely on merit. He forced his way after scoring so
many runs in different levels of the game. This means the boy has something
and it is precisely why he has been selected ahead of hundreds of
cricketers. Now lets see what he does in the most difficult stage of
cricket.
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961025
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Incentive bonus for players
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Special Representative
FAISALABAD, Oct 24: The Pakistan Cricket Board (PCB) is planning to
introduce incentive bonus for the national team. The lucrative cash
incentive is expected to be enforced with the coming series against New
Zealand.
A meeting of the players and the PCB, in this context, is scheduled to be
held immediately after the conclusion of the ongoing Test series.
Besides the cash incentives, players claims for pay raise may also be
accepted at that meeting.
The players are asking for raise of at least 50% in the match fee, tour fee
and other allowances. Players fees was last time increased some seven
years back.
It would not be out of context to mention here that the players are
currently being paid Rs 1,500 as daily allowances as compared to Rs 2,500
they received during the World Cup. Similarly, on foreign tours, other than
England, players get a daily allowance of US $ 50. In England, players got
60 pounds besides 200 pounds weekly.
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961026
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A month of world cricket records
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Lateef Jafri
October had been a month of records in cricket, initially set against
Pakistan but latterly the feats of some Pakistani willow-wielders came as a
pleasant shock to the games enthusiasts. The matches became absorbingly
interesting but statisticians, as was to have been expected, brought to the
notice of the fans the achievements - the facts and figures - of the
cricketers. While brisk batsmanship, clever bowling and quick fielding
would provide glamour to the game a record set and shattered would betray
the fulfilment of an achievement. Certainly the game becomes more
challenging with the combatants trying to attain new accomplishments.
As we talk of statistics in such an attractive game as cricket many may ask
as to who set the first record? Undoubtedly no batsman can think, even in
his wildest dreams, of emulating the feat of Charlie Bannerman, the
Australian, who took strike to the first ball bowled in the first Test
match in cricket in March 1877 at Melbourne and scored the first century -
a hundred on debut. For England in the same inaugural Test the first 50 was
scored by Henry Jupp, the opener. Perhaps it is improbable to repeat the
outstanding performance of Sir Pelham Warner who hit a century on debut and
carried his bat through the innings in a difficult Test for England against
South Africa in February 1899 at Johannesburg - two feats in one and the
same Test. However, no instance can be found of a father and son making the
same record. Nazar Mohammad opened the innings for Pakistan in the Lucknow
Test against India in October 1952 and remained unbeaten with 124 at the
end of the knock. Thirty years later son, Mudassar Nazar carried his bat
against India at Lahore with an unbeaten score of 152. Desmond Haynes, the
West Indies opener, stands alone in thrice remaining not out in completed
innings for his country.
As mentioned earlier that October was the month of records. The South
Africans started it, though in a one-day international in the Nairobi
quadrangular with a world record between Daryll Cullinan and Jonty Rhodes
for the fourth wicket. Playing against Pakistan the two hit 232 to eclipse
the previous mark of 173 set by the Austrians Dean Jones and Steve Waugh
against Pakistan in Perth in January 1987.
The South Africans effort was followed by the hurricane hitting of
Pakistans teenager, Shahid Afridi, who scored a one-day hundred in just 37
balls against world champions, Sri Lanka. He drove, hooked and pulled the
Sri Lankan bowling with gay abandon and set alight the Nairobi ground. He
cut the Sri Lanka pace and spin attack to pieces and turned the match into
a melodrama. Afridi snatched the record of Sanath Jayasuriya, previously
set with 48 balls against Pakistan in Singapore last April. Jayasuriya too
came under Afridis ruthless onslaught.
At Sheikhupura captain Wasim Akram smashed two world records. With Saqlain
Mushtaq he sent out of the record books the 65-year-old standing eighth
wicket score of 246 by Leslie Ames, batsman-cum-wicketkeeper, and Gubby
Alan, against New Zealand at Lords. Allen, later on knighted, came at the
fall of the seventh wicket at 190. Both Sir Gubby and Leslie Ames made
centuries to set their eighth wicket mark and take England out of a tight
spot.
At Sheikhupura Pakistan were in real trouble with a score of 237 for seven
against Zimbabwes ample total of 375 in the first knock. Initially both
Wasim and Saqlain were watchful and sedate but then Wasim opened out and
literally collared the Zimbabwean bowling. He, along with Saqlain, not only
smashed the Ames-Allen mark but set their own record of 313 which it will
be difficult for any lower order pair to improve on. In his undefeated
innings of 257 Wasim hit 12 huge sixes to surpass the 10 over-boundaries
scored with lightning strokes by Englands Walter Hammond against New
Zealand at Auckland in April 1933 in an unbeaten innings of 336 that is
still the fifth highest in Test cricket. Hammond had come fresh from a
double hundred at Christchurch in an earlier Test.
Wasim showed the savagery of his bat not only to thrill the cricket fans at
the new Test venue but saved the team from a threatening situation.
Saqlains 79, his highest batting effort in Test, was equally praiseworthy
for the world record may not have been attained without the youngster
giving a stand to the captain and exhibiting assurance in his batsmanship.
Wasims accomplishments may raise the confidence and morale of the team
after the defeat at the hands of South Africa in Nairobi. They may not only
put up a good performance against Zimbabwe but show bravery and chivalry
against the New Zealanders or before that in Sharjah.
Yet another unique record has been created by schoolboy, Hasan Raza, who
has become the youngest cricketer to appear in a Test match at the age of
14 years and 227 days. Hitherto Mushtaq Mohammad had this distinction.
Making his Test debut for Pakistan against West Indies in Lahore in March
1959 Mushtaq was aged 15 years and 124 days. At one time Khalid Hasan while
getting his Test cap at Nottingham against England in 1954 was the youngest
cricketer with 16 years and 352 days. But Mushtaqs name stood for 37 years
in the Wisden record section. Now Hasan Raza, a product of catch em
young scheme of MCB, takes his rightful place as the youngest Test
debutante.
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961027
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Making Lara captain wont solve W.I. problems
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Special Representative
FAISALABAD, Oct 26: Appointing Brian Lara as West Indies captain was by no
means the only solution to reach the same heights the team achieved in the
70s and 80s. This was observed by former West Indies Test star, Jackie
Hendricks.
Hendricks, a former selector and manager, who is here as Match Referee,
believed that the West Indies team can only achieve what they achieved in
the past if they produced the same quality players.
A captain cannot do anything until he has good players under him. He has
to be inspirational but he still needs batsmen who can score and bowlers
who can get wickets, Hendricks, who managed the West Indies team led by
Viv Richards here in 1986, said.
Hendricks emphasised that Brian Lara was certainly a player whom the West
Indies can look forward to taking over the helms of affairs. But I think
the management would not be expecting that Lara would perform miracles.
Lara did exceptionally well both as a player and as a captain when he led
the Under-19 team and the Trinidad and Tobago team in the Red Stripes Cup.
But all will depend what quality of players he gets when he takes over as
captain.
When Lara will take over the team from Courtney Walsh, the biggest task
before him will be to build team spirit and co-ordination. I think this is
the element which is lacking in the current side.
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961030
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Wasim may reach a landmark in todays 1-dayer
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Samiul Hasan
QUETTA, Oct 29: Skipper Wasim Akram will look for his 300th wicket in one-
day internationals when Zimbabwe and Pakistan play the opener of the three-
match series at an awful looking Nawab Bugti Stadium on Wednesday.
Akram is presently the worlds leading wicket-taker with 299 wickets. If he
manages to pick the required wicket on Wednesday, he will become the first-
ever bowler in the history of cricket to take 300 wickets at both levels of
sport.
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961031
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Malik, 72, steers Pakistan to win over Zimbabwe
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Samiul Hasan
QUETTA, Oct 30: Salim Malik proved once again that he was the jewel of a
batsman in the Pakistan team when he spearheaded the home side to an
exciting three-wicket win over Zimbabwe in the first game of the three-
match-one-day series here at the Akbar Bugti Stadium on Wednesday.
Malik played a delightful innings of unbeaten 72 as Pakistan secured the
victory target of 238 with just five balls to spare. The most experienced
one-day player in the arena today with 238 games, was later adjudged Man-
of-the-Match.
While Salim Malik celebrated his 40th half century in style by almost
steering Pakistan to victory single-handedly, there was also joy for
skipper Wasim Akram who became the first-over bowler to capture 300 wickets
in limited-overs cricket.
Akram, who already has 311 Test scalps under his cap, reached the milestone
when he trapped David Houghton in front of the wickets on the fourth ball
of the day.
Besides Akram, Hasan Raza also had a memorable match when he became the
youngest one-day player at the age of 14 years and 233 days. He shattered
the record of compatriot Aqib Javed who had made his debut against the West
Indies in Australia some seven years back at the age of 16 years and 127
days.
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