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DAWN WIRE SERVICE
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Week Ending : 21 March 1996 Issue : 02/12
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The DAWN Wire Service (DWS) is a free weekly news-service from
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Are the chickens coming home to roost?
US decides to send back arms
UK considering Altafs plea for asylum
Avalanche kills 32 in Neelum Valley
Karachi Mass Transit Project kicks off
$2.8bn to be sought in aid
Judiciarys say in appointments upheld by SC
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Economy expected to show growth rate of 6% plus
WB gives Pakistan another clean bill of health
Borrowings rise to Rs67bn
Plant, machinery cost 1/4th of total import bill
Collection of funds under Ushr likely to be discontinued
Japanese now eyeing electronic sector
Coal reserves sufficient for 500 years
Stocks fall further across a broad front
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Executive vs Judiciary II Ardeshir Cowasjee
Parliaments check on budget Sultan Ahmed
Dealing with the MQM Rifaat Hamid Ghani
Morality and culture Ayaz Amir
Games Pakistanis play Mazdak
Bangalore! Omar Kureishi
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Sri Lanka humble fancied Australia to win World Cup
Element of sweet revenge in Lanka win
14 players to share bounty: Ranatunga
Pakistan made basic mistakes
And then hell was let loose in Calcutta
1999 tournament format issue remains dangling
PTV earns record Rs220m
Jansher Khan set to score a hat-trick
Dream Team Update - as at March 21th, 1996
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960315
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Are the chickens coming home to roost?
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Shaheen Sehbai
WASHINGTON: When Pakistans top policy makers meet in Islamabad next
week to discuss the arm twisting tactics of the Americans who,
according to the Pakistan foreign ministry officials, are asking
Islamabad to sign on the dotted line, they must consider who has led
them up this garden path and why.
The listed item on their agenda would apparently be Afghanistan, but
their discussions would centre around the US role, specially in the
post-Brown Amendment era, and how and what went wrong, leading to a
situation where Washington had already started dictating its terms
though the so-called goodies of the Brown Amendment were still to be
brought out of the cold storage, let alone reach Islamabad.
Analysts in Washington had not expected the foreign ministry in
Islamabad to start shrieking about the US pressure regarding the CTBT
and the NPT so soon. There was supposed to be a so-called honeymoon
period after the Brown Amendment. When military equipment would have
flowed to Pakistan, tall claims of a renewed strategic and historical
alliance would have been made, definitely in Islamabad if not in both
the capitals, and Brown would have been projected as the biggest
milestone for Pakistan-US friendship, one analyst said.
That did not happen because it was not supposed to happen. The US was
only trying to get the moral argument Islamabad had brushed aside so
that it could resort to raw and crude pressure, the analyst said.
The foreign office was clearly divided and the group which was pushing
the diluted and good-for-nothing Brown Amendment was having the upper
hand with Foreign Minister Sardar Assef Ahmed Ali and his lot having
almost negligible or no say in the affair.
The entire Pakistan-US policy was being directed from Washington, and
all other channels Islamabad could have used to get an independent
assessment of the situation were deliberately shut out. The net result
is that the decision-makers, who meet next week, are still in the dark,
knowing nothing about any long-term adverse fallout of the Brown
Amendment.
The fear in the Foreign Office that Islamabad was now coming under crude
pressure from Washington, contrary to what the Brown Amendment may have
promised, is not just the figment of anyones imagination. The
influential Wall Street Journal, arguing that Washington not push
Islamabad too much, said in an editorial on Wednesday: For now, the
scene may be set for Islamabads further isolation .... (but) before
they break out the champagne, though, the punishers (of China and
Pakistan) ought to think about the fact that once this step is taken,
the US will lose one of its last bits of leverage in Islamabad.
If foreign ministry sources start talking about conspiracy theories set
in motion by Washington, then the policymakers have to sit down and find
out why they have come to such a pass, analysts said.
They should draw up a list of questions which they should ask every
responsible person in charge, or involved, in the process of the Brown
Amendment and try to get honest and straight answers.
These questions could include: Why is it that a misleading picture was
painted before the passage of the amendment as the picture was not so
bright? Why did Pakistan agree to a diluted Brown Amendment which
excluded the F-16s? Who formulated the policy and the punchline planes
or the money back? Are there any financial interests of other aircraft
manufacturers or their agents involved in making this policy? What did
Pakistan gain from surrendering its moral high ground? Can Pakistan-US
relations ever become genuinely dependable? Will Pakistan be sacrificed
by the US to bring India aboard the CTBT bandwagon?
The recent media blitz against Pakistan in the US and the flurry of
diplomatic activity, including the rush visit of Ambassador Thomas
Graham to Islamabad, repeated calls by Pakistan Ambassador Maleeha Lodhi
on Strobe Talbott and National Security Adviser of President Clinton
Sandy Berger, indicate that US is close to determining the post-Brown
Amendment policy regarding Pakistan.
The 30-day deadline given by Secretary Warren Christopher on sanctions
against China is also approaching fast, and now is the time for the
Pakistan rulers to decide whether they would continue to be misled by a
few who have messed up the entire spectrum of Pakistan-US relations or
whether they would take steps that could bring some leverage back into
their hands.
The options are limited, but Islamabad could decide to demand that
Washington return its F-16 aircraft, promise a continuous supply of
spares and equipment and enter into a durable long-term defence co-
operation pact, providing some sort of a nuclear umbrella against India,
before it asks for signing the CTBT on the dotted line, an analyst
said.
The sooner this was done, the better, he added.
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960321
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US decides to send back arms
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Shaheen Sehbai
WASHINGTON, Mar 20: The State Department confirmed it was working with
Congress on how to implement the Brown Amendment but an official
declined to go into details of news reports which said a decision had
been made to ship arms worth $368 million to Pakistan.
The Clinton administration has decided to go ahead with the transfer of
military equipment worth $368 million to Pakistan under the Brown
Amendment but economic sanctions may be imposed for purchasing ring
magnets from China, reports said here on Tuesday.
The indication that this decision had been taken came at a secret
Capitol Hill briefing to congressmen and senators by Deputy Secretary of
State Strobe Talbott and President Clintons National Security Adviser
Sandy Berger.
Reaction to the apparent decision of the administration was fierce in
the anti-Pakistan camp and the controversial Sen Larry Pressler
immediately announced he would try to block the return of the equipment
to Pakistan in the Senate.
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960315
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UK considering Altafs plea for asylum
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Athar Ali
LONDON, March 14: Britain is considering a request for asylum from the
leader of the Mohajir Qaumi Movement, Altaf Hussain. This was stated by
the minister of state at the foreign office, Jeremy Hanley, who earlier
this month paid an official visit to Pakistan. He added that Mr Hussain
did not need asylum to remain in Britain at this moment as he had
entered the country legally. However, he has asked for asylum and the
home secretary is considering the request.
Mr Hanley, who held discussion with the Home Minister, the governor and
chief minister of Sindh, said that during his stay in Pakistan, the
issue of the MQM leaders continuing stay in Britain was raised. He said
he explained to them that Mr Hussain had legally entered the United
Kingdom and under the British law it was vital that any evidence of
wrongdoing was given to the British government before any action could
be taken against him.
We have not received a formal request from the government of Pakistan
to extradite Altaf Hussain, but we dont in any case have an extradition
treaty with Pakistan.
Mr Hanley said the British government would not hesitate to act as long
as it has sound evidence against any suspect. His department is in close
touch with the Pakistan government on this matter, and would consider
carefully any evidence as it becomes available. But he pointed out that
contrary to some reports, he did not receive any fresh evidence about Mr
Hussain while he was in Pakistan. I was told such evidence would be
sent to us. At this stage, as far as I am aware, we have not yet
received any fresh evidence.
When pressed further, Mr Hanley said he was told that certain video and
audio tapes had been sent to the British government, but he added, as
far as he was aware these had not been received.
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960317
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Avalanche kills 32 in Neelum Valley
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Tariq Naqash
MUZAFFARABAD, March 16: At least 32 people were killed when an avalanche
engulfed a village in the Neelum Valley, north-east of Muzaffarabad,
officials said.
They said the incident occurred at Kalalot Chapran in the Neelum Valley,
6km from Kel, towards Janewai and some 150km from the AJK capital.
Unofficial sources expressed their fear that the toll may be higher as
reports from other parts were still awaited.
Azad Kashmir has been in the grip of torrential rains for the past three
days and the upper areas are badly hit by the heavy snowfall resulting
in disruption of communication links with such areas.
The ill-fated residents, living in seven houses, were fast asleep when
the avalanche hit burying them alive at midnight. Muzaffarabad Deputy
Commissioner Mohammed Akram Sohail when contacted by Dawn said the
number of victims so far was 32.
He further said that two bodies have been recovered and search for more
bodies was on. A woman survivor have been rescued from snow-trapped
houses by rescue teams comprising army and civil administration
personnel, and local people. He said continuing snowfall was a big
hurdle in carrying out the rescue operation but the teams were making
efforts to recover the remaining bodies.
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960317
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Karachi Mass Transit Project kicks off
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KARACHI, March 16: Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto performed the ground-
breaking ceremony of multi-billion rupees Karachi Mass Transit Project
(KMTP) declaring that her government would continue to strive for the
economic progress and prosperity of the people and the city of Karachi.
The project will be completed in four years. An implementation Agreement
to this effect was signed on January 15, 1996, between the National Mass
Transit Authority, Ministry of Communication of Pakistan and Indus Mass
Transit Company Limited (IMTC) under which ITMC was to design, build and
operate the Light Rail Transit (LRT) System in Karachi along the
corridor from Tower to Sohrab Goth.
The system will provide light rail service from Tower to Karimabad with
an extended feeder bus service between Karimabad and Sohrab Goth. The
system will be operated by IMTC for NMTA for a period of 30 years.
According to a representative of Canadian SNC-Lavalin Company entrusted
with the projects construction, LRT articulated vehicles and
articulated buses will be used in the system. Both vehicles will provide
comfortable seating and air-conditioning.
The system will have 14 km light rapid transit - 12 km elevated and 2 km
at-grade. It will have 14 passenger stations from Merewether Tower to
Karimabad, 3.5 km integrated bus feeder system between Karimabad and
Sohrab Goth.
Some 130 million passengers/year are expected to travel by the year 2000
and ultimately 320 million passengers/year.
The LRT system will provide the first step towards developing Karachis
rapid transit network, safe, comfortable, frequent and reliable service
and transit service 7 days a week from 6 a.m. to midnight with 32
minutes travel time.
The financing structure involves public participation with 40 per cent
subordinated loans whereas private participation will comprise 60 per
cent of the capital cost to be financed by the private sponsors in a
debt equity ratio of 80:20. The return on equity is 15 per cent in
dollar terms.
The LRT system will provide 7000 direct construction jobs over 4 years
and 700 permanent jobs.
The historical buildings of Karachi which will fall in the alignment of
Mass Transit Scheme running from Tower to Karimabad will remain
unaffected by the scheme, said Dr Seema Aleem, Chairman Mass Transit
Authority responding to apprehensions expressed by a provincial
minister.
She said that financially this project appeared to be very big but it
was just a 14-kms phase of a total 90-kms long network. After the first
phase the National Mass Transit Authority (NMTA) will start work on
other phases.
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960321
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$2.8bn to be sought in aid
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Bureau Report
ISLAMABAD, March 20: Pakistan will seek 2.8 billion dollars from the
Aid-to-Pakistan Consortium for 1997-98 when it meets in Paris on April
22.
Informed sources said that the steering committee headed by planning
commission deputy chairman Kazi Alimullah had held several meetings
recently in which it was decided that 2.8 billion dollars would be
sought from the consortium.
However, Pakistan was likely to be offered 2.6 billion dollars. Last
year the consortium committed 2.2 billion dollars for 1995-96.
Sources said that since the economy had performed well and both the
World Bank and the IMF gave a clean bill of health to the Pakistani
economy, the Paris Club would offer about 2.6 billion dollars.
The planning commission and the economic affairs division were preparing
a document to be placed before the envoys of the consortium countries in
Islamabad.
The pre-consortium meeting will firm up Pakistans funding estimates to
be submitted to the Paris Club.
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960321
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Judiciarys say in appointments upheld by SC
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H. A. Hamied
KARACHI, March 20: A full bench of the Supreme Court directed the
federal government to appoint permanent chief justices in high courts
where at present constitutional functions are being performed by acting
chief justices appointed by the government.
In a landmark judgement, the bench, comprising chief justice Sajjad Ali
Shah, Justice Ajmal Mian, Justice Fazal Ilahi Khan and Justice Manzoor
Hussain Sial, gave a unanimous verdict on an appeal filed by Al-Jehad
Trust through its chairman Habib-ul-Wahab-ul-Khairi against a judgement
of the Lahore High Court in writ No 875 of 1994.
The chief justice read out only the operative parts of the 12-page short
order to a packed courtroom, which cheered and greeted the only senior
amicus curiae, Sharifuddin Pirzada for his role in the case. At the
time of announcement of the short order, the Federation was represented
by Deputy Attorney General Farooq H. Naek and the Assistant Advocate
General, Syed Amjad Ali Shah, both representing the attorney general and
the advocate general.
The court ruled that the offices of chief justice and judges of the high
courts normally should be filled in immediately not later than 30 days
but a vacancy occurring before the due date on account of death or for
any other reasons should be filled in within 90 days on a permanent
basis.
It said that the senior most judge of a high court has a legitimate
expectancy to be considered for appointment as CJ and, in the absence of
any concrete and valid reasons to be recorded by the
President/Executive, he is entitled to be appointed as such.
The short order said: The acting chief justice of a high court is not a
consultee and therefore the mandatory constitutional requirement
consultation is not fulfilled by consulting an acting chief justice
except in case the permanent CJ concerned is unable to resume his
functions within 90 days from the date of commencement of his sick leave
because of his continuous sickness.
The bench observed that the posting of a sitting CJ of a high court or a
judge to the Federal Shariat (FSC) without his consent is violative of
Article 209, which guarantees the tenure of office.
It is not desirable to send a Supreme Court judge as an acting CJ to a
High Court in view of clear adverse observation of the Supreme Court in
the case of Abram Heusen vs Government of Pakistan and others (PLD 1976
S.C. 315 at p.342).
The court held that upon the appointment of the permanent CJs in the
high courts where there is no permanent incumbent or where there are
permanent incumbents already, they shall process the case of the high
courts judges within one month from the date of this order or within one
month from the date of assumption of office by a permanent incumbent,
whichever is later in time and to take action for regularising the
appointments/ confirmation of the judges recently.
According to the direction of the court, the CJ of Supreme Court, the CJ
of Supreme Court will take appropriate action for recalling permanent
judges of the Supreme Court from the high courts where they are
performing functions as acting CJs and also shall consider the
desirability of continuation or not of appointment in the SC of ad hoc
or acting judge.
The court ordered that ad hoc judges working at present in the SC be
either confirmed against permanent vacancies in terms of Article 177 of
the Constitution within the sanctioned strength or be sent back to their
respective high court.
The order further said that cases of the appointees of the FSC be
processed and the same be brought in line with the conclusion reached in
the present order that any appointment made to the superior courts by
the President without consulting the CJ of Pakistan would be violative
and invalid under the Constitution.
The directions to the Federation by the court also included that the
permanent CJs and judges should be appointed in the high courts normally
not later than 30 days and 90 days in case of death or for any other
reasons, the court ordered.
On the words after consultation, the bench observed that it implies
inter alia in Article 177 and 193 of the Constitution, that the
consultation should be effective, meaningful, purposive, consensus-
oriented, leaving no room for complaint of arbitrariness or unfair
play.
About the cases of appellants No 3 to 7 in civil appeal No 805 of 1995
(additional judges of LHC who were dropped) shall be processed and
considered for permanent appointment by the permanent CJ within one
month from the date of assumption of office by him as such. The
appellants were: Ausaf Ali Khan, Riazuddin Ahmed, Saeedur Rahman
Farrukh, Mian Abdul Khalid and Mohammad Nawaz Abbasi.
The court observed that the opinions of the CJS of Pakistan and the high
courts as to the fitness and suitability of a candidate for judgeship
are entitled to be accepted in the absence of very sound reasons to be
recorded by the president/executive.
The court ruled: If the present/executive appoints a candidate found to
be unfit and unsuitable for judgeship by the CJs of Pakistan and the HC
concerned, it will not be a proper exercise of power under the relevant
Article of the Constitution.
It ruled that no ad hoc judge can be appointed in the Supreme Court
while permanent vacancies exist and the transfer of a judge of one high
court to another can only be made in the public interest and not as a
punishment.
The judges further ruled that the requirement of 10 years practice under
Article 193 (2) (a) of the Constitution relates to the experience at
the bar and not simplciter the period of enrolment.
The simplciter political affiliation of a candidate for judgeship of the
superior courts may not be disqualification, the court said provided
the candidate is of an unimpeachable integrity, have sound knowledge in
and is recommended by the CJ of the HC concerned and the CJ of
Pakistan.
The petitioner had challenged some appointments of judges in the
superior judiciary on the ground that they have been made in
contravention of the procedure and guidelines laid down in the
Constitution. In this context, the Supreme Court was called upon to
examine in detail the relevant articles pertaining to the judiciary
specified in Part VII of the Constitution to render an authoritative
decision on the question of interpretation of such articles in the light
of other correlated articles.
The court held the view that it examined in detail the special
characteristics of the Constitution in conjunction with its historical
background and Islamic provisions while being fully cognisant of the
powers of court to interpret the Constitution keeping in view the
doctrine of Trichotomy of Powers. It heard in detail the counsel for the
parties but also the most senior counsel as amicus curiae,
representatives of the bar associations of the Supreme and High Courts
and the individuals who requested hearing.
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960315
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Economy expected to show growth rate of 6% plus
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Mohammed Ilyas
ISLAMABAD, March 14: Independent economists expect Pakistans economy to
show a growth rate of 6.2 to 6.4 per cent as against the budget estimate
of 5.5 per cent for the financial year 1995-96.
But this return to the historical growth path of six per cent plus is
accountable to the single factor of a bumper cotton crop, observed Dr
Ashfaque Hasan Khan of the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics.
On the basis of the latest econometric techniques, he predicted that the
growth rate of 4.7 per cent shown by the Economic Survey for 1994-95
might have to be revised downward to somewhere between 4.2 per cent and
4.3 per cent.
The reason was that the cotton harvest had amounted to 8.7 millions
bales, forcing the country to import cotton for the first time and to
make do without foreign exchange earnings from export of raw cotton.
This had also affected the performance of the large-scale manufacturing
sector which suffered stagnation.
As compared to the target of 9.5 million bales, an output of 10.3 to
10.5 million bales is expected. That it has produced enough surplus to
export over two million tons of cotton has also considerably dispelled
the gloom pertaining to foreign exchange earnings in the 8th month of
1995-96.
This factor alone would cause the growth rate of agriculture to hover
between 6.4 and 6.6 per cent this year, he thought. Over the past 30
years, the historical trend has been for agriculture sector to grow at
the rate of 4 per cent, he pointed out.
Dr Khan endorsed the concern expressed by other economists over the fact
that Pakistan remained a single crop economy.
A growth rate dependent on a single crop could not be sustainable
because of recurrent irrigation water shortages and climatic conditions
that are beyond human control and, therefore, unpredictable, he
cautioned.
He underlined the need of broadening our industrial base which is also
an essential condition for our taking advantage of the opportunities
offered by the emergence of regional blocs.
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960315
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WB gives Pakistan another clean bill of health
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Bureau Report
ISLAMABAD, March 14: Coming at the heels of the IMFs favourable review,
the Pakistan economy received another clean bill of health from the
World Bank which gave credit to structural reforms undertaken by the
government for better economic performance.
Available information suggests that prospects for higher economic
growth and lower inflation for this fiscal year have improved. The
stabilisation of the economy and improved conditions have now laid the
basis for addressing the long- term development challenges facing the
country, said Ms Mieko Nishimizu, the country director of the World
Banks South Asia regional office.
Ms Nishimizu told a reporter that the Bank had its own way of getting
and judging information about the economy of a country supported by it.
We get information from all sources to monitor economic progress of the
member- countries, she said , adding that the World Bank was a bank and
had to protect its interest and that it could not continue supporting
any country without having been assured about its economic health. We
certainly see the soundness of a loanee to offer funds.
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960320
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Borrowings rise to Rs67bn
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Bureau Report
ISLAMABAD, March 19: Government's borrowing from banks for budgetary
support has shot up to a Rs 67.1 billion against the target of Rs 29
billion for the whole year ending June 30, 1996.
According to the State Bank of Pakistan's latest fortnightly report,
bank borrowing for budgetary support had gone up to Rs 71.2 billion by
February 15 from Rs 57.2 billion recorded in the first week of the same
month.
On Feb 29, however, the borrowing declined by Rs 4.1 billion partly as a
result of transfer of sale proceeds of PTC vouchers to the tune of Rs 3
billion from a special account to the consolidated government account.
Presenting last fortnightly report of the State Bank covering up to the
first week of February, the ministry of finance had expressed the hope
that it would be able to recoup before the end of March at least about
Rs 24 billion from what it had borrowed from the banking sources for
budgetary support in order to meet the IMF prescribed end-March bank
borrowing target of Rs 32 billion.
With the borrowing leaping up to Rs 67.1 billion, the government would
now need to recoup as much as Rs 35.1 billion to meet the IMF target.
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960315
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Plant, machinery cost 1/4th of total import bill
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Mohiuddin Aazim
KARACHI, March 14: Pakistan spent $1.63 billion or more than one fourth
of its total import bill of $6.303 billion on the import of plant and
machinery during July-February 1995/96 up by 16.57 per cent from $1.39
billion spent in the year-ago period. This excludes the amount spent on
the import of transport equipment.
Executives of Development Finance Institutions (DFIs) and leasing
companies engaged in the financing of import of plant and machinery link
the increase to growing automobile assembly industry and the upcoming
energy and cement plants.
Hubco has been importing machinery and the same might have contributed
more in the total imports of plant and machinery than any other
project, said a source close to the National Development Financial
Corporation (NDFC) which is involved in financing of the 1,292 megawatt
power project in Balochistan.
Though up from the cumulative import of machinery in the year-ago period
the July/February 1995/96 import of machinery also indicates continuous
declining trend in January and February. The import of machinery in
January 1996 fell by 22.48 per cent to $193 million from $249 million in
January 1995.
Similarly, the provisional import figure of February this year declined
by 27.79 per cent to $161 million from $224 million in February last
year.
Bankers link this decline to fluctuating import of heavy machinery that
has high weight on the overall import index.
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960318
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Collection of funds under Ushr likely to be discontinued
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Mohammed Ilyas
ISLAMABAD, March 17: The collection of funds under Ushr is likely to be
discontinued from the next financial year, according to an informed
source.
The Federal Government has taken this decision in view of the fact that
proceeds from Ushr, supposed to be levied at the rate of 10 per cent of
all agricultural production, as enjoined by Islam, have dwindled over
the years. As against Rs 177 million collected during 1988-89, the total
Ushr collection stood at a mere Rs 0.2 million during 1993-94.
An intriguing aspect of the matter is that the assessment of Ushr too
has spiralled down during this period, as indicated by official
statistics. It was a mere Rs 68 million in 1992-93 as against Rs 246
million in 1988-89. During 1993-94, only NWFP assessed and collected
Ushr. Yet, according to a World Bank estimate, the full collection of
Ushr could generate revenues in the range of Rs 10-15 billion annually
at current prices.
Irrespective of the number of farmers contributing to the tax on
agricultural produce, Ushr became an excuse for not paying the land
revenue, with tremendous negative impact on provincial governments
liquidity. This is the main reason why the Federal Government has
decided to say adieu to Ushr, it is learnt. At the same time, the
provincial governments would be directed to ensure optimal collection of
land revenue which has run into huge arrears.
Another substantial reason for the discontinuation of Ushr has to do
with the reported decision by the governments of Punjab and Sindh to
impose income tax on the phenomenal agricultural incomes of the landed
gentry. The institution of Ushr, it will be recalled, was used by this
opulent class over the past decade for claiming exemption from income
tax.
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960317
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Japanese now eyeing electronic sector
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Our Reporter
KARACHI, March 16: After getting positive results from investment in
Pakistans automobile industry, Japanese investors are now exploring
possibilities in electronic and domestic appliances manufacture.
Speaking at the SITE Association of Industry on conclusion of a meeting
with the local industrialists, he observed that Pakistan has an
expanding domestic market of electronics and domestic appliances and,
therefore, has attracted the attention of the Japanese investors. Mr
Takanashi is a chief economist in Japan Development Institute of
Engineering Consulting Firm Association.
He said Japanese investors were, however, concerned over the law and
order situation in Karachi, particularly security measures. My Embassy
had advised me not to move freely in the city owing to the disturbed
situation, he added.
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960321
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Coal reserves sufficient for 500 years
-------------------------------------------------------------------
ISLAMABAD, March 20: Pakistan has a massive coal reserves of about 180
bn metric tonnes which are enough for 300 to 500 years, disclosed
Federal Minister for Petroleum and Natural Resources Anwar Saifullah.
The Minister said, Pakistan is resource rich and the tremendous coal
reserves could be exploited through policy initiatives and capital
resources to meet the growing energy requirements of the country.
He revealed that there was a huge accumulation of minerals like zinc and
lead between the Khazdar-Chitral belt.
Speaking about the gold exploration project by Pakistan Mineral
Development Corporation (PMDC), he said the project foresees initiating
systematic geological exploration of gold in particular and other base
metals in general.
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960321
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Stocks fall further across a broad front
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Commerce Reporter
KARACHI, March 20: Stock prices fell further across a broad front as the
follow-up support failed to figure prominently on the blue chip
counters.
But there was no apparent reason for the absence of leading investors
from the rings as the current lower levels could well prove an
attractive bait at least for the near-term.
The KSE 100-share index, therefore, suffered a fresh setback of 16.89
points at 1,581.79 as compared to 1,598.68 a day earlier as base share
tended further lower.
Floor brokers said investors are not inclined to move out of some of the
current favourites, notably PTC vouchers and Hub-Power as no one among
them is inclined to take even the calculated risk.
Losses covered the entire list but in most of the cases only extreme
gains were clipped as a section of investors tried to move out of the
market after cashing in on the available margin of profit.
Among the energy shares, Pakistan Refinery and PSO were the prominent
lowers, falling each by Rs 3 followed by MNCs, notably Philips, Honda-
Atlas, Reckitt and Colman and Telecard, falling by one rupee to Rs 10.
Fauji Fertiliser also remained under pressure and fell further by Rs
2.60 as a foreign investors who have bought it at much lower rate is
liquidating, pushing its price below Rs 70.
Foreign investor is said to have bought about 5 million shares of it
around Rs 50, which pushed its price to well over Rs 75 in the recent
past.
PICIC, one of the blue chips made history after its share value fell
below the fact value of Rs 10 on heavy renewed selling triggered by news
of some financial problems. It fell Rs 1.75 to 8.75 on a volume of 0.288
million shares.
Other local leading shares, which ended further shaded PILCORP, Crescent
Bank, Askari Insurance, Allawasaya Textiles, Pakistan Synthetics, Nishat
Mills, and Pakland Cement were leading, falling by Rs 1.60 to 3.5.
Some of the leading shares managed to finish with modest gains on stray
support under the lead of ICP SEMF, Mari Gas, Balochistan Wheels, Engro
Chemicals and Dawood Hercules which posted gains ranging from one rupee
to Rs 1.50.
Traded volume was maintained at the overnight level of 29.496 million
shares, bulk of which again went to the credit of PTC and Hub-Power.
The most active list was again topped by PTC vouchers, off 45 paisa on
134.595m shares followed by Hub-Power, easy five paisa on 9.020m shares,
Fauji Fertiliser, off Rs 2.60 on 0.875m shares, Lucky Cement, steady
five paisa on 0.815m shares, Ibrahim Fibre, lower 30 paisa on 0.376m
shares, ICI Pakistan, lower 50 paisa on 0.267m shares, LTV Modaraba,
lower 10 paisa on 0.191m shares, Bankers Equity, easy 25 paisa on 0.173m
shares, and Dhan fibre, off 25 paisa on 0.130m shares.
There were 342 actives, out of which 201 shares suffered fall, while 68
rose, with 73 holding on to the last levels.
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960315
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Executive vs judiciary-11
-------------------------------------------------------------------
By Ardeshir Cowasjee
MARCH 10: A memorable day. Nation stunned (Dawn). Rana Sheikh, a grade
44 officer (22 plus husband Najmuddins 22), and our great cricket
cultural impresario was in tears. The entire cricket bureaucracy had to
be held back from suicidal leaps off one of our high-rises. Calamity,
disaster, catastrophe (all combined) had afflicted the nation. We had
lost a cricket match to India. The hype-makers, the jingle- makers (Hum
jeetaingey...) embellished with large moustaches and shades, openly
wept.
March 10: A memorable day. On reading the American State Departments
report on human rights, our corrupt executive were not stunned, they did
not faint, and they made no effort to stun the Americans by admonishing
them for daring to interfere in our internal affairs. Realising its
excessive vindictiveness, the government withdrew the case framed
against vociferous opposition leader Sheikh Rashid for allegedly
possessing an unlicensed Kalashnikov for which it had jailed him for
seven years. He stood vindicated.
March 10: A memorable day. Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Sajjad Ali
Shah, and Supreme Court Justice Ajmal Mian, Fazle Ilahi, Manzoor Hussain
Sial and Mir Hazar Khan Khoso remained unstunned. Stoically and
patiently they continued the hearing of the 1995 Judges Case, the
petition filed by Rais-ul-Mujahideen Habibul Wahabul Khairi concerning
the appointment of judges. My friend and counsel Jadoogar of Jeddah
Sharifuddin Pirzada was on his feet, addressing the court as its amicus,
leaving his hearers in no doubt that he was firmly for the supremacy and
independence of the judiciary.
Early in his arguments, he quoted from former Chief Justice Mohammed
Munirs book, Highways and Bye-ways of Life:
Prime Minister Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, assertive and conscious of the
power he enjoyed, once filled a vacancy on the Bench of the East
Pakistan High Court by appointing a man of his choice, Advocate Nandi,
without consulting Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Munir and ignoring
his recommendation of Advocate Saim. As wrote Munir, At a dinner at
Dacca when I was sitting next to Suhrawardy, I told him that I was
waiting for an appeal from Nandis judgment. Why so, he asked me. I told
him that his appointment having been made without consulting me, it was
void and I would hold, whenever an occasion arose, that his judgments
for that reason were void.
Suhrawardy, realising his mistake, realising that the Chief Justice of
Pakistan should be consulted in the appointment of judges, folded his
hands before Munir and said, Guruji dont do this please, I can send
the papers to you for a retrospective approval.
Whenever important matters, such as the appointment of judges, come up
before our courts, methods and procedures prevailing in England, the
United States and India are discussed. Taking the British system first,
Sharifuddin quoted from A Sparrows Flight, the memoirs of Lord
Hailsham, the longest serving Lord Chancellor of this century:
The most important constitutional function of the Lord Chancellor in
the 20th century remains to preserve the integrity and impartiality of
the judiciary against all comers. This is not as easy as it sounds. Nor,
until recently, was it observed as consistently as it has been by
Chancellors of very different political outlooks since 1945.
The independence of the judiciary, wrung by parliament from the Crown
with much difficulty by the Glorious Revolution, is open to a continuous
process of erosion by back benchers and pressure groups.
In theory, of course, all judicial appointments are by the Queen
herself in virtue of her position as the Fountain of Justice. All are
made on the advice of the Lord Chancellor, except the highest of all
where the accountable minister is the Prime Minister. In practice,
however, the actual appointments are arrived at by a delicate mechanism,
composed in part of the Judiciary themselves, the Lord Chancellor and
the Prime Minister (who must never act out of political considerations).
When it came to prime ministerial appointments, I always respected the
right of the Prime Minister to make the actual decision by submitting a
short list of two or three names but I always put these in order of
merit, giving reasons, and also mentioned why other likely names had,
for the particular occasion, been omitted from the list. I only once had
a disagreement, when my second choice was chosen, and on that occasion
the Prime Ministers selection was an outstanding success. If an
unsuitable name had been appointed on any occasion, I would have
tendered my resignation.
The present Lord Chancellor, Lord Mackay, who on one occasion had a
similar experience, has declared that it is his duty to ensure that
neither political bias nor personal favouritism play any part in the
appointment of judges.
As for the American system, Sharifuddin informed the court that the
President nominates the judges, but appointments can only be made by him
with advice and consent of the Senate. When Lyndon Johnson nominated Abe
Fortas, a sitting judge of the Supreme Court, as its Chief Justice, the
Senate rejected the nomination.
Another presidential nominee to the Supreme Court, Judge Robert Bork,
faced a five-day cross examination by the Senate committee. And at
times, the Senates Judiciary Committee even hold open televised
enquiries into the past conduct of nominated judges. The ordeal suffered
by Judge Clarence Thomas, in view of the allegations made against him by
Anita Hill, indicates the nature of confirmation proceedings.
In Britain, the United States and India, which operate under the two-
party system, independence of the judiciary is ensured, by traditions,
by a vigilant Bar, and by strong and forceful public opinion.
Diverting from the court proceedings, I move to India, to 1994 and the
last Supreme Court case involving judicial appointments (Supreme Court
Advocates on Record Association vs. Union of India). The court, after
much anxious deliberation, held that:
1) The proposal for the appointment of a judge in the case of the
Supreme Court must be initiated by the Chief Justice of India, and in
the case of a High Court Judge by the Chief Justice of the High Court.
2) In a case in which conflicting views are held by the executive and
the judiciary, the opinion of the judiciary symbolised by the view of
the Chief Justice of India, will have primacy.
3) Accordingly, no appointment of a judge either to the Supreme Court or
to a High Court could be made unless it was in conformity with the
opinion of the Chief Justice of India.
The court pointed out that in practice, judicial appointments were never
considered in parliament, and any alleged accountability of the
executive in such matters was merely theoretical and not actual. In
actual practice, the Chief Justice of India and the Chief Justice of the
High Court, responsible for the functioning of the courts, have to face
the consequence of any unsuitable appointment which gives rise to
criticism.
I have just read Cambridge Chaudhry Aitzaz Ahsans letter (Dawn March
14). The frills (his commitments and my prejudices) can be dealt
with later.
Inter alia, he writes; All appointments for the last 50 years in
Pakistan had been made in consultation with the respective Chief
Justice. Almost 100 per cent were also made in accordance with their
advice. This system worked for the last 50 years and there is no
apparent reason to depart from it.
Correction: In fact the system which has successfully operated for the
past 50 years has been departed from by the present government. Though
the files relating to judicial appointments have not been opened to the
public because of government objection, it is widely believed that they
would reveal that in the majority of cases there has been no meaningful
and effective consultation during the tenure of the present government.
The hallowed traditions and conventions of the past have been
arbitrarily departed from. Hence the pressing need for the Supreme Court
to re-examine the whole system, which exercise is now being carried out.
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960321
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Parliaments check on budget
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Sultan Ahmed
SELDOM do leaders of the ruling party and the opposition in Pakistan now
share a common platform and publicly agree on a major issue. But if
former Speaker of the National Assembly Fakhr Imam and the present
Deputy Speaker Syed Zafar Ali Shah spoke from the same platform in
Islamabad last week and agreed on the total inefficacy of Parliament in
controlling public expenditure and making the government conform to the
budget passed by the Parliament after a prolonged debate, they had valid
reasons.
In a country facing a real economic crisis continually, despite the
breezy optimism of Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, they want parliament
to be empowered and enabled to play an effective role in enforcing
financial discipline. That is imperative to reduce the large budget
deficit, bring down inflation, scale down the overwhelming national
debt, reduce the balance of payments deficit and improve the foreign
exchange reserves.
David Stockman, President Reagans articulate budget director, wrote in
his book The Triumph of Politics that a government has four functions.
It is a taxer, spender, borrower and regular, and all four functions
should be carefully watched. If that is needed in the rich US far more
is the need for parliamentary vigilance on public spending or borrowing
in poor Pakistan with 40 per cent of the people living below the poverty
line. The contrary is the reality.
Inefficacy of Parliament in respect of public spending is visible in
three areas. 1. Although we have an elected Senate which tends to be
more sober and less acrimonious than the National Assembly, it is not
allowed to discuss the budget. In fact it is kept out of the financial
picture altogether as any bill with an economic impact could be declared
a money bill by the government and kept out of purview of the Senate.
2. The bulk of the budget expenditure brought under the Federal
Consolidated Fund can be discussed by the National Assembly but not
voted on as the voting is taken for granted by the Constitution since
the days of Gen. Ayub Khan. You seldom see now the once plentiful
motions to cut the budget of a ministry by a rupee to raise a discussion
on its performance or failure, which used to intrigue and irritate the
generals before martial law rule came in 1958. Ayub Khan regarded such
moves frivolous, and brought the bulk of the expenditure beginning with
the salary of the President under the Consolidated Fund which is
debatable but not votable.
The fact is that when the NA discusses the budget many of its members do
not know which allocation is a part of the Consolidated Fund and which
is not, and hence do not try to reshape the budget except when the PM
agrees to it following public protest.
And when it comes to the defence expenditure the scope for the debate is
extremely limited as that comes as a single line item in the budget, and
not even the allocations for the three services are shown separately, as
done in Inida. So there can be no question of the NA trying to bring
about real cost- efficiency in defence spending, discuss choice of the
weapons or restructuring the defence forces in these days of high cost
defence and very expensive weapon system.
3. Even after the NA passes the budget with all the allocations sought
by the government intact, it goes out to spend a great deal more and
comes up with a supplementary budget at the end of the year and obtains
quick parliamentary approval. Such excess spending annually is about 25
per cent of the budget, agree Mr Fakhr Imam and Syed Zafar Ali Shah. And
yet the supplementary budget is passed instantly by an exhausted NA at
the end of each budget session with the finance minister arguing that
the money had already been spent and could not be recovered and so
should be approved. It amounts to crying over spilt milk and there is no
assurance the same excess will not be repeated next year.
This charade goes on year after year as the Executive supremacy over
Parliament is rather absolute or the Executive can easily disregard
parliamentary protests. As a result, we had budget deficits exceeding
the very high 8 per cent for three years under the Junejo government,
and the peak 8.7 per cent under Nawaz Sharif in 1990-91 along with the
pyramiding national debt which is our awesome legacy to future
generations. And now despite our binding commitment to the IMF to bring
down the deficit to 4.6 per cent this year the PM has spoken of under 5
per cent deficit.
We now have the overwhelming domestic debt of Rs 800 billion, and the
long and medium term external debt and other commitments like suppliers
credit of 30 billion dollars apart from the 7.5 billion dollars used by
the government from the foreign exchange deposits of resident and non-
resident Pakistanis. The cost of servicing the foreign debt may be small
or one-third of what it takes to service the high cost of domestic debt,
but as we keep on devaluing the rupee the rupee cost of servicing the
foreign debt keeps going up. Since 1992 when the rupee was de-linked
from the dollar and set floating the rupee cost of the foreign debt has
arisen by 247 per cent. And that is not a burden that can be taken
lightly despite the low interest costs in dollars.
Many suggestions have been made since 1983 when Dr Mahbubul Haq returned
to our financial scene to control public spending and hold down the
national debt. One was for the Parliament to prescribe a ceiling on the
national debt each year; the second was to prescribe the limit of the
budget deficit, and the third to bar the government from incurring
additional expenditure beyond, say two per cent of the budget. For any
expenditure beyond that prior parliamentary approval should be sought
after explaining the reasons and convincing the NA. Successive
governments have accepted such demands in principle or paid lip service
to them but have not acted on them.
There is now a clear case for a mid-term report on the economy to be
presented to the NA each year which will reflect not only the
governments economic performance but also the countrys as a whole.
Such a report should come before the NA in December each year and inform
about the revenue collection, expenditure, budget deficit and official
borrowing, particularly bank borrowing or printing of more currency
notes to meet the soaring expenditure of the government, the performance
of exports and imports, balance of payments, foreign exchange deficit
and state of the savings and unemployment. If such a report is presented
to the Parliament regularly it could help correct some of the mistakes
of the government in such areas and bring it back to the rails. The
country needs proper official figures in such vital areas instead of
newspaper speculations denied by the government in a swift moving
globalised economy.
A new area to which the Parliament has to give a great deal of attention
is privatisation. It should be directly concerned with not only what is
sold, and how, and for how much, but also how the vast sale proceeds,
including the foreign exchange component, are used. We are told 27
public sector projects are to be privatised this year, including KESC,
Kot Adu power project, Jamshoro power station, Sui Southern and Northern
Gas companies, and 26 cent of the PTC shares.
How are the vast sale proceeds of such mega enterprises to be used,
while the nation and top economic experts want them to be used for
reducing the mountain of ever rising national debt? We have been told of
varying purposes for which the sales proceeds may be used, and now the
secretary to the PC Mr Abdullah Yusuf says they will be spent on debt
retirement, Social Action Programme and infra-structure building. How
much on each? The IMF wants the sale proceeds to be used for reducing
the national debt, but has not made that a condition for the 600 million
dollar stand-by agreement negotiated in December. It is time the
Parliament comes into the picture fully and clearly and binds down the
government to use the bulk of the sale proceeds for debt reduction
foreign exchange earnings for reducing foreign debt and local currency
earnings to reduce the domestic debt so that the annual debt servicing
cost of Rs 160 billion in the budget could be slashed and the money
gained used for a larger social action programme and better
infrastructure building.
Notable indeed is the fact that if the Parliament has so little say in
the formulation and passing of the budget the Standing Committee of the
Ministry of Finance is not better informed or more effective. And the
same is the case with the Standing Committees of the two houses on
defence. And the Public Accounts Committee set up after a delay of two
years is now groping in the dark and is looking into the Auditor
Generals reports since the days of Junejo government. This surely is
not how public expenditure should be monitored or controlled as our
budgetary problems get tougher, and we are promised a very tough budget
by the Adviser to the PM on finance V.A. Jafarey.
And now after the government was committed to print notes to the extent
of Rs 30 billion, as the budget showed, and the IMF brought it down to
Rs 28 billion government-borrowing from the State Bank, which prints the
nores for that purpose, is close to Rs 65 billion. How can the
Parliament be indifferent to such developments or financial spectres?
While Ayub Khan took away parliamentary control over the budget, though
allowing it to do some noisy jawing as the budget is presented, Mr Z.A.
Bhutto did not delete that article of the Constitution, nor did Gen.
Zia, Ms Bhutto or Nawaz Sharif. They found that article too convenient
to delete, nor has the NA been too insistent on its deletion. So the
government does not find itself in the kind of predicament in which
President Clinton is finding himself again and again as the Congress
does not pass his budget.
Now when the P.M. is seeking a consensus with the opposition on the
major constitutional political and economic issues, and there is no
major difference between the two sides on economic policy, thanks to the
deep imprint of the IMF on it, let such co-operation begin in the
economic sphere and in Parliament. And let that result in parliamentary
supremacy in the financial sphere or at least parliamentary vigilance in
real sense.
How can we have a parliamentary system of government without effective
parliamentary control over public finances. Democracy begins with
elections but surely does not end with that. Hence the Parliament should
prevail in the areas of taxation, public spending, borrowing and
regulation of the economy instead of leaving it all to the officials or
the ministers who seem to understand such issues even less.
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960318
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Dealing with the MQM
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Rifaat Hamid Ghani
IT HAS begun to be taken rather widely for granted that the MQM is a
terrorist outfit and that it is insurgent. That is how the government
seeks to justify its handling of it: human rights are on the other side
when dealing with terrorists and insurgents.
The terrorist label is pinned on it with confidence, but the insurgency
charge is more nebulous. If the MQM is insurgent, with the added
implications of secessionist and separatist, this would mean that it is
against Pakistans state and government, not just against the perceived
misuse of state authority by the government of the day.
Let us consider the MQM as possible terrorists and insurgents and the
government of the day as possible violators of human rights. We cannot
do this without admitting that the trouble in Karachi has a sharp
political dimension. Socio-economic amelioration alone is not the key to
a solution.
Of course, there is terrorism. A key question is whether the government
is proceeding against the MQM objectively, or in a spirit of animosity
because it is a political factor which inhibits the ruling PPP from the
undisturbed exercise of power in Karachi. Many observers feel that
terrorism has been reactive: the classic recourse of those denied
legitimate political expression and accommodation.
That the MQM which Altaf Hussain still leads was perceived as
democratically legitimate despite its extremism is borne out by the
PPPs readiness to have the MQM on its own side. Karachiites have
witnessed the terrorist content on Thanas; the explosions, side by side
with the increased intensity and harshness of the crackdown on the MQM
cadre. The rigours of siege-and-search operations, their inhumanity, and
the irresponsible and callous manner in which people in MQM
constituencies have been subjected to detention, questioning, extortion
and mental and physical insult have constituted a reign of terror.
If the use of the gun, intimidatory tactics and extorting money are
adjuncts to terrorism, the MQM was neither alone nor a pioneer in using
these. To focus on the MQM in isolation without taking into account
extremist propensities, and actions of other parties, including the PPP
and its allies, causes misgivings. More so when there has been no break
in the custom of some elements from within whichever party may be in
power or enjoying favour and considering themselves above the law.
It is this background that lends credence to the charge that human
rights are being violated.
And what about the MQM as an insurgent?
Its militants have maintained a kind of armed defence against the
forces of General Babar. The ministry of the interior must be seen as
representing the state, and the MQM is at odds with it. The point to
consider is that the MQM should in such circumstances find any sympathy
at all. When Operation Clean-up began in mid-1992, it was generally
greeted with relief in the metropolis as bringing deliverance from the
excesses of the MQM and its fascistic tendencies.
Why then is a revulsion against MQM terrorists not popularly manifest in
Karachi, whereas the revulsion against General Babars campaign is? This
may be because the common citizen at present feels more personally
threatened by the potentiality of excesses in the use of state power
than by the terrorist acts attributed to the MQM.
Besides terrorism, insurgency, treason and secession, there are
accusations that have been loosely and, at times, mutually exchanged and
retracted in the past too. To cite some instances: The NAP, whose
leadership is today recognised and accepted, as once accused of treason
and terrorism and assassination. In Balochistan, a provincial government
was dismissed by Mr Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as suspect. Political dissent
was then deemed insurgency.
General Zias charges against the PPP as anti-state can be dismissed as
originating from a man who was himself a military usurper. But the PPP
under pressure was accused of harping on the bogey of Sindhudesh in a
way that cannot entirely be dismissed as without foundation. If this was
a distortion of its motives, one cannot be blamed for supposing that
allegations and fears of secessionist intent or the formulation of a
Jinnahpur alternative could well be in the same mould.
Since the Karachi situation has persisted over a long period, those of
us living in it or involved in dealing with its ramifications tend to
consider it in a habitual frame of mind. So subtly and imperceptibly can
a situation evolve that it is possible to remain unconscious of its
alterations. That is why a chronic situation particularly demands
periodic review. Certain notions may need to be discarded or fresh ones
recognised in the light of sins of omission and commission, successes
and failures, protagonists removed from or added to the scene.
Conceding that levelling charges of terrorism may be valid, there is
also a valid rationale for maintaining that the MQMs organisational
cadre has been driven into adopting tactics of reprisal. Too little
regard is shown for the fact that the MQM obtained massive electoral
support from law-abiding citizens.
The harassment its former constituencies and strongholds have been
subjected to in the course of the governments efforts to weed out
alleged criminals or terrorists, has also served to strengthen
commitment to the MQM. If the government succeeds in obtaining a
situation where there is no MQM(A) for people to vote for it would mean
that a large sector felt disenfranchised.
Obliterating a party and destroying its organisational structures and
cadres can be even more injurious to overall democratic development than
banning it. The administration may succeed in creating a surrogate MQM
or finding ambitious Mohajirs ready to assume the responsibilities of
Mohajir representation and more amenable to the ruling party. But in the
present context of things, this would inevitably appear more cosmetic
than reflective of the sentiments of the Mohajir constituency.
The pragmatic choice, if not the only viable and healthy political
course, is for the MQM to reorient itself and adopt democratic
approaches and methods in pursuing its political objectives. The
leadership of Altaf Hussain must first be recognised and restored before
it can be tested on the crucible of freely expressed opinion of its
constituency. Rather than extraditing him as a promoter of terrorism, he
should return to an amnesty. He would then be under considerable moral
and democratic pressure from his own supporters to function within the
parameters of a democratic polity.
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960318
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Morality and culture
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Ayaz Amir
FOR last 25 years the nation has witnessed a strange tension in the
field of culture. Whenever the PPP has come to power there has been more
song and dance on television, the members of the more colourful
professions have rejoiced in the belief that a more liberal dispensation
is at hand while progressives of various colours have nursed the
illusion that what they are seeing is culture and progress.
The religious lobby on the other hand has always charged the PPP with
spreading fuhashi (a word rich in suggestion which can be loosely
translated as obscenity or vulgarity). Under right-wing governments
mixed dancing on television has been frowned upon, religious programmes
have been encouraged and greater attention has been paid to appearances.
The frequent pilgrimages undertaken by state officials at public
expense, the call to prayers on television and official letterheads
stamped with Bismillah... are legacies of the Zia regime which have
become permanent feature of public life in this country.
It goes without saying, however, that over the years neither the PPP has
promoted a cultural revolution nor the guardians of the nations morals
have served, in any real sense, the interests of Islam. Both in the
streets and on the television screen the PPP has always had a knack for
encouraging loud and tasteless behaviour. Not fuhashi but
tastelessness masquerading as high culture: that is the real charge that
can be brought against the party of the masses.
During Benazir Bhuttos first government Aslam Azhar, the then chairman
of PTV, thought he was striking a blow for cultural openness when on
prime time he showed a pop concert distinguished for its loudness. When
it excited a stormy reaction on the part of the nations moralists he
beat a hasty retreat. Currently Rana Shaikh, the present boss of PTV,
has been staging fashion and musical shows as part of the hype generated
for the Cricket World Cup. Whether these shows have achieved anything by
way of promoting Pakistani culture they have succeeded in resurrecting
the familiar charge that the PPP was encouraging fuhashi and un-
Islamic practices.
For its part the moral brigade which always fancies the ideological
foundations of the country to be under threat has been instrumental in
promoting hypocrisy and a mental attitude favourable to intolerance and
the spread of sectarianism.
Neither side can thus claim to have done much for its avowed objectives
since if there are two things the hardest to find in the Islamic
Republic they are public morality and anything even remotely approaching
a sense of collective good taste.
It is, however, wholly erroneous to think that between morality (which
is another name for religion) and good taste (which is another name for
culture) there is anything inherently antagonistic. Both strive after
the same things: balance, a sense of proportion and fairness in private
and public dealings. If in Pakistan the impression has existed of a
conflict between them it is because the protagonists on both sides have
succeeded in reducing religion and culture to a string of absurdities.
The Pakistani progressive thinks that dancing the bhangra, liberating
television, advocating womens rights and shaking ones head vigorously
(preferably with ones eyes closed) while listening to Nusrat Fateh Ali
or Abida Parveen constitute the essence of modernity. (For a time
sustainable development had also entered the lexicon of modernism until
Mr Asif Ali Zardari arrived on the scene and gave the environment a bad
name). This attitude is not much different from that of those
intellectuals in the eighties who thought that by listening to the
ghazals of Faiz or to Sindhi mystic music, which they associated with
defiance, they were taking part in the struggle against the Zia regime.
No less profound is the attitude of the moral brigade which holds that
the cause of the faith is served best when women are confined to the
four walls of the home, dancing is banned on television and no one is
allowed to celebrate the new year.
For Qazi Hussain Ahmed and Maulana Sami-ul-Haq, consequently, what is
wrong with this country is the spread of fuhashi. For Mr Imran Khan,
the latest ideologue this country must suffer, what is wrong with
Pakistan is something that he calls the culture of the brown sahibs. For
Ms Rana Shaikh, the PPP governments high priestess of modernism, giving
Pakistan a progressive image involves the staging of fashion shows. So
taken is the Prime Minister herself by this notion that she takes a
fashion troupe with her when she visits the White House, in the process
setting a new trend in international diplomacy. Thus it is that in the
hands of jokers both morality and culture have been reduced to items
calculated to mock every sane mans intelligence.
If Pakistan were not infested with such dangerous fools it would be
readily apparent that culture is a broad term taking within its ken not
just the way we dress or how we bury our dead but, more importantly, how
we think and how we look at the basic facts of existence. Two examples
should help to make this clear.
The spirit of enquiry from which sprang the beginnings of modern science
distinguished Greek culture and civilisation from those which came
before it and many which came afterwards. The fatalism and mysticism
which throughout the ages have marked the inhabitants of South Asia, and
which are to be seen in their lives even today, are on balance more
important aspects of their various cultures, than their eating or
dressing habits, undoubtedly important as these matters remain in their
proper time and place.
Looked at from this broader perspective it should be obvious even to
blinkered souls that there is much that is wrong with us and our
culture. Our view of life is gloomy and pessimistic, shaped as it is by
a sense of resignation and fatalism, qualities destructive of the spirit
of enterprise without which great things are not possible. We have no
respect for learning or knowledge for their own sake. The rich do not
endow hospitals or libraries. The governing classes, bereft of any
visible sense of public duty, are themselves the prime sources of
corruption. The rule of law is a concept dimly understood even by the
laws defenders. While we remain a nation of talkers and speechmakers
what we say is often not what we mean. Little wonder then if private
licentiousness coexists with public hypocrisy or if individual
cleanliness goes hand in hand with public squalor.
Does this list of intellectual and moral impoverishment not provide a
common agenda for the reformer of morals and the spreader of culture?
Trying to roll back the frontiers of ignorance and reduce the national
quantum of bombast and hypocrisy is both a religious and a cultural
undertaking.
Perish the thought however that the enthusiasm of anyone in Pakistan
will be fired by such prosaic considerations. The moral brigade wants to
cleanse the Republic by smashing satellite dishes and putting a censor
on television while the culture- libbers associated with the fortunes of
this government think that the Pakistani Enlightenment will have dawned
when Ms Rana Shaikh is allowed to stage her fashion shows wherever she
pleases.
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960316
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Games Pakistanis play
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By Mazdak
A WEEK has passed since our defeat to India in the quarter- final of the
cricket World Cup, but the national agony over the loss has not
subsided.
Hundreds of news reports, opinion pieces and editorials on the subject
have filled innumerable columns of the Pakistani Press, and yet our
interest is unabated. Its like scratching yourself when the itch just
will not go away. Dozens of theories to explain away the defeat, most of
them bizarre and outlandish, circulate in drawing rooms across the land.
But the reason I am inflicting yet another World Cup column on readers
is that the match, its aftermath and the events leading up to it provide
such a revealing insight into our national character.
There was the initial bravado exemplified by the silly song Hum Jeatain
Gai (We will win); then there was the endless hype about Pakistan
having the most talented and balanced side. But there was very little
preparation to match the mindless slogans, and finally, unable to face
the fact that we lost to a team that outplayed us fair and square, we
are looking for excuses and scapegoats in the most unlikely places. Of
course, losing to India has increased the pain: our previous victories
had made us believe that somehow, it was our God-given right to beat
India whenever and wherever we played against them.
Consider the similarities between the recent Indo-Pakistan match and the
war the two countries fought over 30 years ago. For months, the nation
was fed on a steady diet of jingoistic propaganda constructed around the
premise that one Pakistani (Muslim) soldier was equal to ten Indian
(Hindu) soldiers. Finally, even our planners and leaders swallowed this
ridiculous line with the result that we were caught completely by
surprise when the Indians attacked, despite the fact that we had begun
covert and then overt operations in Kashmir weeks ago. Our lack of
preparation resulted in a defeat nobody then expected, and most people
today, refuse to accept. But it is not as simple to ignore the actual
result in a cricket match. Just as we sought scapegoats in 1965, we are
trying desperately to blame somebody, anybody, for our defeat last
Saturday.
In hockey, our steady decline after years of being world champions has
been accepted with better grace. Partly, this is because we did not lose
the top slot to India, but also because hockey does not excite passions
in the same way cricket does. Almost every one of us has held a cricket
bat at some point in our lives; the same cannot be said of hockey
sticks. So virtually everybody in the country has an opinion where
cricket is concerned, while many of us are lost in the arcane mysteries
of stick, carried and off-side that punctuate and interrupt hockey
games with boring regularity.
Now that our World Cup hopes have gone up in the smoke of the victory
bonfires in Bangalore, the national soul-searching for the causes has
begun with much gnashing of teeth and beating of breast. Last night, a
friend called from London to ask me to confirm a report about Wasim
Akram being shot. Thousands of normally sensible people are convinced
that the Pakistani captain was bribed not to play in the vital match.
Many others believe that the team doctor was paid off by bookies to
inject Wasim with a pain-inducing injection instead of a pain-reducing
one.
But the mother of all conspiracy theories has been trotted out by our
political mullahs who have accused the government of losing our divine
advantage by sponsoring cultural shows on the stage and on TV.
Apparently, these activities were obscene and un-Islamic, and this is
the reason for our defeat. I personally feel most of them were just
tasteless and badly organised. In any case, many mullahs ascribe our
defeat to these song-and-dance functions. Iqbal Hyder replied to these
charges on the floor of the Senate by asking how Australia and India
were on a winning streak when they had such a relaxed attitude towards
cultural expression.
A well-known journalist writing in a national newspaper has reported
that the twelfth man carried instructions to a belligerent Aamir Sohail
to throw the match as the Pakistani team had received death threats in
the dressing room while the opening pair was flaying the Indian attack
in those unbelievable, euphoric early overs. Many people have suggested
darkly that at the end of the Indian inning, our players were given
drugged snacks during the break to dull their reflexes. They explain our
ballistic start by pointing out that the drug took some time to take
effect, and hence slowed down our lower order batsmen without
influencing our openers.
Even the performance of our team is a reflection of national attitudes
and our general approach to life. Self-confidence and a strong belief in
the ability to win are essential ingredients for victory in any field.
But to carry these attitudes to the point of arrogance is a sure
prescription for disaster. Aamir Sohails childish exhibition of temper
when he confronted Prasad and which led to his downfall typified the
swagger we affect in most situations. Contrast Aamirs approach to the
game with Mark Waughs cool but masterful and match-winning century when
Australia were chasing a large New Zealand total. Similarly, when push
came to shove, Waqar Yunus much-vaunted yorkers were blasted to all
corners of the ground when he was required to bowl a very tight line and
length.
Team leadership, too, was predictable and unimaginative. Between them,
Akram and Aamir Sohail made no serious attempt to galvanise the team, to
lift it to another level, or to make things happen. The batting order
was not shuffled around to meet the changing needs of the team as the
match progressed. This, too, is in keeping with our national tradition
where a plodding leadership seems incapable of inspiring us through
personal example. And the acting skippers refusal to consult Javed
Miandad, the most experienced and canny cricketer in the tournament, is
entirely in line with our leaders inability and unwillingness to
achieve a national consensus on any issue.
Finally, Miandads pathetic display, which so cruelly revealed his
slowed reflexes and his weakened wrists, was another reminder that in
Pakistan, sportsmen do not retire voluntarily any more readily than do
politicians or bureaucrats.
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960317
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Bangalore!
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Omar Kureishi
FROM cricket fever to cricket madness to chaos, to bedlam, thats the
way the journey to Bangalore progressed. The waiter who brought my bed
tea to my hotel room on the morning of the match told me that the
Stadium was already packed and it was as yet the crack of dawn.
There may have been a little exaggeration as a factual statement but he
was conveying the mood of the city. Smiling faces that had greeted me
the day before when I had checked in were grim that morning, as if
something fateful would happen that day. The suspense was building up
ever since it was known that Pakistan and India were pitted against each
other in the quarter-final. Now the moment had arrived.
The newspapers were filled with reports of the elaborate security
arrangements. The BBC had announced that the army might be called in to
aid the civil agencies. Whatever was going to happen that day, it did
not seem that all this tension was about a cricket match. Cricket is
after all a game and someone wins and someone loses. No comets are seen
if you win and the earth does not open up if you lose. But we are not in
the realm of reason. A kind of primitive behaviour had taken over, raw
emotions had been unleashed, a people as if possessed went about in a
trance, their eyes glazed. These were not people going to watch a
cricket match. These were people going into battle. I have covered
cricket for nearly 40 years and this has included many tours of India. I
was in Bangalore in 1987 when Pakistan had won a test match and the
series. But it was different this time. The same city, the same people
but a whole new ball game.
When I got to the ground, surprisingly without too much hassle and the
minimum of jostling, the Chinnaswamy Stadium was almost full and there
were long queues that stretched halfway to Calcutta, or so it seemed.
Where would these people sit? There were a sea of flags, the Indian
tricolour. The crowd was already boisterous though it could not be
described as a festive mood. The occasion was too serious and the crowd
made its intentions clear as it set up a crescendo of boos when it
caught sight of a Pakistani player who had gone out to have a knock-up.
There was to be no goodwill, just malice. The atmosphere was charged, it
was electric, it was nasty as it might have been in ancient Romes
Coliseum when gladiators fought. It would prove to be a shamelessly
partisan crowd, utterly graceless, a crowd that wanted only one decision
and it was too frightening to contemplate what might happen if there was
some other decision. There was a smell of hatred, the rotten carcass of
jingoism.
All this I felt and observed, waiting for the match to start. Farooq
Mazhar and I were guests of the President of the Indian Cricket Board
and we were seated in his enclosure and the Governor of Karnataka sat a
few rows ahead of us with his family. One presumes, therefore, that
those in the enclosure were men and women who were less likely to be
swept away by passion and though they might cheer their own team
lustily, they would not receive with stony silence a good over from a
Pakistani bowler or a good shot from a batsman. That they would somehow
be more restrained and not wear their emotions on their sleeve. But they
too got caught up in the frenzy and the ladies chanted Pakistan hai hai
and the men knocked the air with their fists and joined the Mexican wave
in utter disregard of their dignity. One got a pretty good idea what it
must have been like in the other enclosures. A time-bomb set to go off
if India lost.
Farooq and I left the match as soon as it became certain that India was
going to win. It was an inspired decision for we were able to beat the
crowds and we were able to find a rickshaw, a three-wheeler, and were
back in our hotel to see the last rites on television. We were thus
spared the noise of ear-splitting firecrackers that exploded and the
sight of fires that blazed in the stadium, symbols of victory and were
spared having to worry what sort of fires there might have been had the
result been different, what would they have symbolised? India had every
right to celebrate. The night belonged to them.
One had a pretty good inkling of what the reaction would be back at
home. The morning newspapers told of the anger and the outrage and the
bitter disappointment. Allegations were being made and inquiries were
being demanded with a furious passion. Someone even suggested capital
punishment for the players, such was the storm that raged. On the way
back, there was a brief lay- over at Delhi and the Pakistan High
Commissioner Mr Riaz Khokar had invited the Pakistan cricket team to
lunch at the hotel where they were staying. Since Farooq and I were also
at the hotel, unable to get a room, but were watching the Karachi semi-
final in the coffee-shop, we were sighted and we got invited. The team
looked down in the dumps as they should have and they told about threats
their families had received. In the circumstances, it was a pretty
miserable lunch and no one made any effort to cheer the other up. The
team had changed their travel plans, a prudent move on the assumption
that the reception committee waiting at Lahore Airport may not be all
that friendly.
I propose to write separately on the defeat and offer an opinion of what
had gone wrong. I will most certainly not apologise for the players and
make mention of the fact that if calmer heads had prevailed after Aamir
Sohail and Saeed Anwar had got Pakistan off to a blistering start, the
match could have been won and rather easily. But the players alone
cannot be blamed. A lot more goes into winning and losing at this
competitive level. We need calmer heads as well to probe into the
defeat.
Once the rage has subsided, it will be possible to show that the fault
lies not in the stars but in ourselves. I still maintain that Pakistan
was the best balanced team in the tournament but it was the least
prepared team. If there is to be an inquiry, thats where the inquiry
should begin from. People will say that professional cricketers should
be able to handle the pressure. But it Pakistan supporters like me found
the pressure to be oppressive just as a spectator, it shouldnt be
difficult to imagine what our players had to go through. Had this
quarter- final been played in Pakistan, I dont think that our crowds
would have been quite so charged up or so loutish.
There is a generosity about our crowds that makes them, not quite fair-
minded but less bloody-minded. And they are good humoured. That was what
was missing at Bangalore, a touch of light-heartedness that would have
made the occasion less intense and cricket would not have been the
loser. But then it can be argued, the match at Bangalore had nothing to
do with cricket. The strident jubilation on their side and the intensity
of denunciation on ours attests to that. Only a game? Someones got to
be kidding.
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960318
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Sri Lanka humble fancied Australia to win World Cup
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Omar Kureishi
LAHORE, March 17: Sri Lanka won the World Cup and won the hearts of the
Pakistani cricket pubic with it.
The crowd that packed the Qadhafi Stadium made the victory its own and
the spontaneous celebrations and the eruption of joy were for a team
with which we identified and willed on and perhaps prayed for. But Sri
Lanka deserved to win for the most compelling reason of all. It was the
best team in the tournament and it went undefeated and played
brilliantly throughout. The final was no exception. They won so
comfortably with wickets and overs to spare that it did not seem that
any other result was likely.
In the bargain Arvinda de Silva played the best innings of this World
Cup, better than anything that Mark Waugh, Sachin Tendulkar or Brian
Lara had played. He took charge when Sri Lanka had lost both their
openers, one to a foolish run-out and the other to an extravagant
attempted pull and stayed the course to see his team home. To the best
of my recollection he did not play a single false stroke, never faltered
or looked uneasy and he thrashed Shane Warne as if he had a personal
score to settle.
Arvindas century and Shane Warnes bowling figure of none for 58 in ten
overs tells the story of this final. All the others played supporting
roles. One had never imagined that Australia depended so much on Warne
and when he could not deliver the team all but fell apart, including the
much-vaunted fielding.
Put into bat, 241 was never going to be enough unless Sri Lanka really
batted badly but Australia looked set to cross the 300 mark until the
Sri Lanka spinners put the brakes on. Taylor and Pointing had put on 101
runs after Mark Waugh had gone cheaply. It looked grim for Sri Lanka but
then wickets started to fall and Australia found itself under pressure.
What was being considered a perfect batting wicket started to help the
spinners and it was noticeable how much Muralitharan was able to turn
the ball. But it was Arvinda de Silva, the occasional bowler, who got
the wickets of Mark Taylor, Ricky Pointing and Ian Healey. There was
some resistance from Bevan but Australias batting just failed to take
off.
Sri Lanka started disastrously when Jayasuriya was run out, a senseless
dash for a second run that wasnt there and Kaluvitharna was too
overcome by the occasion to get going. But Gurasinha stayed, shakily at
first and then more comfortably and he and de Silva put on 125 runs and
all but settled the match barring a dramatic collapse. This Ranatunga
made certain would not occur and left it to de Silva to take Sri Lanka
home.
It may have been Sri Lankas final but the magnificent crowd that filled
the Qadhafi Stadium made this a memorable World Cup. That one of the
cohosts won it was the icing on the cake.
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960319
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Element of sweet revenge in Lanka win
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Ihithisham Kamardeen
LAHORE, March 18: Sri Lanka World Cup champion.
Its a tag the old cricketing order will have to get used to after the
islanders swept aside favourite Australia by seven wickets and wrote
their names into the history books in the Cup final here last night.
Sri Lanka became the first side to win the final when batting second and
the first team to go through the tournament undefeated since Clive
Lloyds awesome West Indies outfit did so in 1975 and 1979.
Some will see it as justice of sorts after Australia forfeited its Group
A opener against Sri Lanka in Colombo because of the Jan 31 suicide
bombing there that killed 86 people and injured 1400.
The four-pronged Sri Lanka spin attack was a lot more subtle than the
four brutal fast bowlers used by the once dominant West Indies. But they
were no less effective and they helped deliver the sprawling
subcontinent its third World Cup in four tournaments.
India won in England in 1983, Pakistan in Australia in 1992 and now Sri
Lanka, admitted as a Test-playing nation just 14 years ago, has emerged
from the shadows to dance with the big boys.
That they were also the first host nation to capture the trophy is an
even greater coup considering their trophy cabinet was bare 12 months
ago.
Away Test series victories over New Zealand and Pakistan plus the
Sharjah limited-overs tournament have transformed a side everyone
thrashed into a team that does the thrashing.
They eked out just four victories from 20 matches in the first five
World Cups.
Former opening batsman and current manager Duleep Mendis said of last
nights victory, I was dreaming about it but it became a reality.
Last night master batsman and vice-captain Aravinda de Silva buried his
Australian hoodoo with a match-winning three for 42, two catches and 107
not out.
Chasing Australias 241 for three from 50 overs, Sri Lanka timed the
chase to perfection to reach 245 for three in 46.2 overs.
There was an element of sweet revenge for the winners after a tumultuous
tour of Australia recently, although captain Arjuna Ranatunga played
down that theme.
A hectic itinerary, poor wickets in provincial centres, bad umpiring, a
conviction for ball tampering later overturned by the ICC, the no-
balling of spinner Mutthiah Muralidharan twice for chucking, heated
clashes in the one-day finals and a comprehensive flogging in the Test
series left the Sri Lankans seething as they boarded the plane home
after three months of turmoil.
Amid the adversity, they had played some outstanding cricket in the one-
dayers, gained steel in their team personality and knew the World Cup on
the subcontinent would be the perfect place to square the ledger.
We had a few problems on the tour but those are things youve got to
face in life and I think that was a good experience, said de Silva of
the Australian tour.
The boys were prepared for anything after that and I think they were
much tougher.
Ranatunga said it was a tricky question whether there was particular
satisfaction in having beaten Australia.
We dont have revenge against anyone. We were brought up in a very
different way so the culture is different, he said.
The players have done a great job for the country. Its a great team
but there are so many people behind the scenes who have done a great
deal.
One of them is coach Dav Whatmore, who was born in Sri Lanka but raised
Down Under and played six Tests for Australia before getting into the
nitty gritty of his trade at the Victorian Institute of Sport.
Whatmore has helped instil the killer instinct in a team that had
happily settled for kid gloves.
Its a cycle. Once you gain experience that particular side keeps on
doing well, said de Silva.
Winning in New Zealand really gave us the confidence and the self-
belief which we needed.
Ever since then all the boys felt they could win abroad and thats
where it all started.
Pakistan Cricket Board chief executive Arif Ali Abbasi welcomed Sri
Lanka into the hall of fame.
I think its tremendous because the game has spread. We have all gone
through this phase and Sri Lanka has finally made it.
To which Indias PILCOM convenor Jagmohan Dalmiya added: They played
like a champion team.
However Sri Lanka was shamefully denied a lap of honour by a crowd
stampede after the formal presentations at Qadhafi Stadium.
A winning bonus cheque for $US 100,000 went missing from one of the
players pockets and the World Cup trophy was trodden into the ground
after fans tore down wire fences while hordes of security men looked on.
But 13 years of civil war between the Sri Lankan government and Tamil
separatists were overtaken, if only temporarily, by that countrys
greatest moment on the international sporting stage.
Muralidharan, the sole Tamil in them, had 14 taken from his first two
overs but conceded only singles thereafter to finish with 1-31 from 10
overs as he exacted huge turn with his offspin.
De Silvas ton was the third Cup final century after Lloyds 102 in 1975
and team-mate Viv Richards 138 in 1979.
De Silva also made the crucial strikes by picking up captain Mark Taylor
for 74 and Ricky Ponting for 45 after Australia was 134 for one after 25
overs and on course for 300.
But the middle order imploded and from 209 for seven after 45 it needed
a cool 36 not out by Michael Bevan to set a target of 4.84 runs per
over.
As in its semi-final Sri Lanka lost both dashing openers cheaply but de
Silva again came to the rescue, aided by fellow veterans Ranatunga and
Asanka Gurusinha.
Gurusinha made 65 and Ranatunga 47 not out off 36 balls but were helped
by Australia muffing five catches and a stumping and misfielding at a
cost of at least 20 runs.
The light towers in operation for Pakistans first day-nighter blew out
during the innings break but soon came back on and brought all the heavy
overnight rain to the ground surface, making the ball greasy.
Leg-spinner Shane Warne had to be consoled by coach Bob Simpson after
his 10 overs cost 58 for no wickets, the third most expensive outing of
his one-day international career.
Sri Lanka have improved a hell of a lot in the past few years in one-
day cricket and they now have a game plan positive batting and
defensive bowling, said Taylor.
I dont think theyve bowled a side out in this competition and theyre
not like to in the future but they keep sides down to something they can
chase.
They deserve to be World Cup champions.
We didnt play very well against the West Indies either but we got out
of jail in the last 10 overs. Today we didnt get out of jail.
The skipper had reason to be proud of his teams effort at a tournament
it entered in difficult circumstances after the Colombo forfeit.
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960321
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14 players to share bounty: Ranatunga
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COLOMBO, March 20: The unprecedented gifts, pouring in for Sri Lankas
cricketers after their spectacular World Cup win, will be divided in
equal share among the 14-member squad, skipper Arjuna Ranatunga said.
He said the team had agreed to share the gifts even before the
tournament and denied that players were motivated by individual profit
from the series.
In fact, some of the seniors were upset about the offer of gifts made
in the national Press because we never played for money, Ranatunga
said.
Cars, houses and holidays in the neighbouring atoll nation of Maldives
have been offered to the team after they won the World Cup by beating
Australia by seven wickets at Lahore on Sunday.
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960315
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Pakistan made basic mistakes
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Omar Kuresihi
STRICTLY from the cricketing point of view, there were two mistakes made
that had a telling bearing on the match. The first was the lesser but
the other the more crucial Waqar Younis had bowled four magnificent
overs in the opening stages of the Indian innings. Sachin Tendulkar
looked apprehensive and troubled. Sidhu, who was nursing an injury, was
tentative. Waqar Younis was taken off and the Indian innings moved into
calmer waters.
The second was when Aamir Sohail and Saeed Anwar had given Pakistan a
blistering start and had made 84 in 10 overs, the asking rate had been
reduced to 5.2 runs an over and all wickets were intact. This was the
time to consolidate and not time for heroics or petulance. Firm
instructions should have gone from the dressing-room that the game plan
needed to be changed. The runs could have been made in singles. There
were 39 overs remaining or 234 balls, wides and no-balls would have been
a bonus. The finger on the combat-button should have been removed. But
Pakistan seemed hell-bent on finishing the match in a blaze of glory.
The hostility of the crowd had got to them and they would show them what
for. Azharuddin had used up his bowling options, including some overs
from Kumble and Srinath had been battered. Hindsight makes it seem so
easy.
But the match had begun on a mournful note when Wasim Akram decided not
to play at the last moment. Aamir Sohail was thrown into the deep end
and was not mentally prepared to take over the captaincy. Why was the
decision not taken in the morning or the eventuality discussed? Aamir
Sohail would at least have been partially ready. Ata-ur-Rehman too was
taken by surprise and the tension got to him and he threw up after
bowling a couple of overs. This was nerves. But to his credit he bowled
well and removed Sachin Tendulkar.
India played two spinners, Kumble and Raju but Pakistan left out Saqlain
Mushtaq counting on Aamir Sohail and Salim Malik to bowl 10 overs
between them. It was too big a risk and had Tendulkar got going, he
would have done much earlier what Jadeja did in the final slog overs.
Once Wasim Akram decided to sit out of the match, the whole strategy, if
any, should have been re-constructed. India had come in with a plan.
They had done their homework but we played it by ear. Even the batting
order was not changed once Pakistan had got runs on the board. Miandad
should have been sent or if the intention was to maintain the momentum,
then Salim Malik should have gone in, someone who could have calmed
Aamir Sohail down. His fracas with Venkatesh Prasad was not only
unnecessary but it suited the Indians to have the acting Pakistan
captain blow a fuse.
Waqar Younis and Aqib Javed bowled the final overs with more zest than
good sense. They were firing on all cylinders whereas they should have
gone for variation, the slower ball that has become a stock-in-trade of
a fast bowler in the one-day game. Once they knew the slog was on, they
should have bowled short of length, that is to say, done something
different instead of pitching the ball up and allowing the Indian
batsmen to use the pace of the ball and swing their bats with flourish
and fiendish competence.
All in all, the Pakistan team had left their thinking caps in their
hotel rooms. The match was ours for the asking. We chose bravado.
But we cannot disregard the traumas that Pakistan cricket has been
through. We merely imagine that the wounds inflicted had been healed.
Pakistan had a mixed tour of Australia and New Zealand. But the bottom
line was that we had been thrashed badly in two Test matches against
Australia and won the Sydney Test match on a turning wicket and Mushtaq
bowled magnificently. We assumed, wrongly, that we were back in our
stride. We must bear in mind that Mushtaq had been left out in the
series against Sri Lanka and did not go to Sharjah. Ijaz Ahmed, who was
the one major batting success, was not in the original squad. It was by
chance that he found himself in Australia. We won the solitary Test
match in New Zealand but they were able to square the one-day series.
Thereafter, there was no cricket and we set about preparing for the
World Cup through a camp and net practice.
So many cricket experts were urging that we should call upon our former
cricketers and constitute a think-tank so that the players could get the
benefit of their advice and experience. We preferred to go through our
preparations mechanically. We won easily against the UAE and Holland and
drew the wrong conclusions. The defeat against South Africa should have
been a wake up call. Beating England and New Zealand was not any
achievement of any kind. The test had been South Africa and we had
failed. The test once again was against India and we failed.
While we are shell-shocked over our defeat at Bangalore, should we
really have been surprised? Notwithstanding we could have won but made
elementary mistakes. A professional team that has planned its campaign
does not wilt under pressure but perhaps the in-fighting and
administrative complacency or negligence had sapped the team of its
energy, of its self-belief. Or we just ran out of luck. Or, more likely.
The chickens of ad hocism had come home to roost.
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960316
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And then hell was let loose in Calcutta
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Zawwar Hasan
WHAT a coincidence! All the four berths of the semis of the World Cup
went to the babes of cricket. First to enter the finals at Lahore, the
Lankans had till recently bore that title like Pakistan had four decades
back.
The remaining three qualify for the epithet as they turned out to be the
cry babies of the tournament. Of these three, Australia had refused to
play Sri Lankans in their troubled island because of their ill-perceived
fears of personal safety.
Or was it because of the unjustified fear of crowd reprisal in Sri Lanka
against the biased umpiring, no-balling Lankas strike bowler, and
retracted accusations of ball tampering during the series in Australia?
To disguise their apathy for whatever reason to play in Lanka the
Australians raised the bogey of safety. Zimbabwe and Kenya did not fall
victim to the intense lobbying. But the indiscrete West Indian Cricket
Board did, without even consulting the players. Both Australia and the
West had to forfeit their games in Sri Lanka, denying the Lankans the
opportunity to beat them before their home crowd.
The Indians, however, take the cake among the cry-babies. Trailing 132
runs behind the target, India had only two wickets in hand to get them
at the rate of nine runs an over in 15 overs. With defeat staring in
their face, the Indian crowd rioted and the match had to be awarded to
the gritty islanders. This has pitted Sri Lanka against Australia in the
finals.
Not even Eve left the Garden of Eden in such disgrace as did Azhar and
his men from the Eden Gardens in Calcutta on what has been aptly
described as the blackest Wednesday of Indian cricket. The Indian team
had to rush through a stone-pelting mob.
Yet only three days earlier 55,000 frenzied fans in Bangalore had all
but put their idols in the anointed mandirs of India for having won
what looked like a Mahabharat to them. To any sane cricket follower in
India or Pakistan, however, it was only a one-day match.
Had the euphoria, hopes and dreams born and nurtured at the Chinnaswamy
Stadium at Bangalore not formed the baggage of the Indian team flying to
volatile Calcutta there might not have been a black Wednesday. Hyped by
the victory over Pakistan the Indian crowed thought the World Cup was
already theirs.
A shrewd judge of the game, commentator Geoff Boycott also read the
crowd well. A little after Azharuddin won the toss, Boycott told his
fellow Indian commentator that the huge crowed at the Eden Gardens was
there only to see India win
The partisan behaviour of the crowd said it all. So loud was the roar of
the crowd that it must have been heard across the Cape of Comorin when
Srinath got rid of both the hard-hitting Lankan openers in his very
first over. But only stony silence greeted Arvindas fight-back with a
flurry of fours.
It mattered little to Arvinda if his masterly display of cricket did not
please the Indians. He was not playing for 110,000 men and women packing
the huge stands of the Eden Gardens on that hot and humid afternoon. As
he said after receiving the man of the match award he was playing for
cricket in Lanka.
How rich cricket can become if some of the millions of kids watching the
live telecast could emulate the poise and the timing of Arvindas
flowing strokes. He drove, pulled and cut with such fluency and felicity
that belied the fact that his opening pair was out in the very first
over of the innings.
Even his batting mate Asanka Gurusinghe, an accomplished batsman in his
own right, was reduced to the status of a spectator, albeit with a bat
and a presence in the middle. In an attempt to choke the Lankan innings,
Azhar played his trump card. He invited leg-spinner Kumble to share the
new ball with Srinath.
If Azhar thought he would tame the Lankan lion by this extra-ordinary
device, he was mistaken. Arvinda continued to play with the same gusto.
Not even the departure of Asanka prevented him from batting freely.
Together with his promoted new partner Roshan Mahnama, he took the
Lankan total to 58/3 by the end of 10 overs.
The ball turned and bounced but Arvinda continued to propel it to the
ropes racing ahead of the fielders in hot pursuit. The runs came thick
and fast till Kumble returned to bowl his second spell in the fifteenth
over of the match. And then the rattle of the wickets sounded the end of
Arvindas innings as if to remind that all good things must come to an
end some time.
With only 85 on board, seven wickets in hand and 35 overs to face, it
certainly was not a good time to lose Arvinda who had established his
authority over the Indian attack. The Sri Lankan captain Arjuna
Ranatunga had no time to rue over the crisis.
Known as Sri Lankas man of crisis, skipper Ranatunga at once set about
steadying the rocking ship. Though a class stroke-maker, he chose to
nudge, guide and place the ball on the turning wicket to build up a
defendable total.
Azhar found it an opportune moment to slip in the ten overs by non-
specialist bowlers. Both Jadeja and Tendulkar did not disappoint their
captain. In fact Tendulkar did something beyond his call of duty. He
sent back Ranatunga with a successful leg before appeal in the thirty-
third over when the score stood at 159.
It was a partial recovery after the disastrous start and the campaign to
post a defendable target faltered when Mahnama batting with a runner
collapsed on the wicket with cramp and exhaustion. He was carried off
the ground by his team-mates.
All credit to the late order batsmen led by left-handed Hashan
Tillekratne who were able to score off the parsimonious Kumble and
Tendulkar at the rate of about 5.5 during the concluding 12 overs to
collect 251/8.
A winning target of 252 looked fairly easy despite the earlyloss of the
in form Siddhu at unlucky 13. Before the tenth over could be bowled
Tendulkar had collected 32 out of 32 balls and ten over later Tendulkar,
in company with Manjrekar, had carried the score to 83.
As the run rate lingered a littler over four per over Tendulkar denied a
faster run of scoring came out to drive Jaisurya only to be beaten and
stumped. The red light shown to Tendulkar by the third umpire was also a
signal of disaster for Indians.
First Azhars checked stroke curled into an easy return catch. Manjrekar
and Jadeja were bowled round their leg. Mongia came and went. Srinath
was run out and though Kamblis catch was dropped a certain defeat
stared in the Indian eyes.
Thats when hell broke loose in Eden Gardens. Missiles were thrown at
the Sri Lankan fielders. Seats were burnt. Bonfires were lit up and soon
the beautiful stadium wore an ugly face. So ugly indeed that sports
organisers will think several times before holding another world event.
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960319
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1999 tournament format issue remains dangling
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LAHORE, March 18: The 7th World Cricket Cup to be staged in England in
1999 is to be played on the same format as the one which just concluded.
This was stated at Press conference addressed jointly by International
Cricket Council Chairman Sir Clyde Walcott and Chief Executive David
Richards.
The two officials briefed the media about the decisions taken at the
meeting, the first ever to be held outside its London-based
headquarters.
The ICC Trophy among the 22 associate members will be contested in 1997
at Malaysia and the top three teams will join nine other Test playing
nations to compete for the main trophy in England two years later.
Earlier, Sir Clyde Walcott was quoted as saying that the 1999 World Cup
in England will be a 12-nation tournament but the format may be changed.
Instead of the knock-out system operating from the quarter-final stages,
sources close to the ICC revealed a proposal for a second round-robin
phase involving the top two sides from each six-team group which would
duly produce the two finalists.
No decision will be taken until the ICC meeting in London in July. We
have appointed a committee with representatives from the ICC and member
countries to make recommendations, Walcott was quoted by Reuter as
saying.
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960321
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PTV earns record Rs220m
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ISLAMABAD, Mar 20: Pakistan Television has earned a record amount of Rs.
220 million during the World Cup tournament.
Out of the total, an amount of more than Rs. 75.6 million were generated
through cultural events organised by World Cup Cultural Committee, said
a Press release.
Giving details the PTV spokesman said never before in the history, PTV
programmes on such a large scale were produced in major cities of
Pakistan earning such an enormous amount through cultural events. An
atmosphere was created whereby a huge number of people participated in
the cultural events arranged in Karachi, Lahore, Faisalabad and
Islamabad by purchasing tickets amounting to millions of rupees.
Peoples participation in the cultural events was very encouraging. PTV
was under tremendous pressure from sponsors to get a space during the
telecast of these programmes.
The Spokesman said in spite of criticism from some quarters, PTV is
receiving letters, Fax messages, Telephone calls making requests for re-
telecast of all the programmes of cultural events and to arrange such
shows in future as well. The matter is under consideration by the
programmes Division at Headquarters.
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960321
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Jansher Khan set to score a hat-trick
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HATFIELD, (England), March 20: Jansher Khan, one of the all-time squash
greats, will be attempting a hat-trick, at the Super Series final when
he begins the defence of his title here.
Jansher will also be attempting to keep hold of the sports three major
titles - having achieved a record seventh World Open title in Nicosia in
November and beginning an attempt on his fifth British Open title in
Cardiff in two weeks time.
The 26-year-old from Peshawar will be as overwhelming a favourite as
ever to demolish the worlds best men - with just one proviso.
It depends how quickly he can go from a long period of training to
becoming match tight, since the decimation of the European circuit has
left most of the leading players short of top class tournament
competition.
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960321
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Dream Team Update - as at March 21th, 1996
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PCODE N A M E COUNTRY POINTS
1 MARK TAYLOR (C) AUSTRALIA 198
2 IAN HEALY (VC) (WK) AUSTRALIA 119
3 MICHAEL BEVAN AUSTRALIA 200
4 DAMIEN FLEMING AUSTRALIA 250
5 STUART LAW AUSTRALIA 204
6 SHANE LEE AUSTRALIA 14
7 CRAIG McDERMOTT AUSTRALIA 20
8 GLEN McGRATH AUSTRALIA 125
9 RICKY PONTING AUSTRALIA 234
10 PAUL REIFFEL AUSTRALIA 142
11 MICHAEL SLATER AUSTRALIA 0
12 SHANE WARNE AUSTRALIA 277
13 MARK WAUGH AUSTRALIA 589
14 STEVE WAUGH AUSTRALIA 341
15 MICHAEL ATHERTON (C) ENGLAND 119
16 ALEC STEWART (VC) ENGLAND 86
17 DOMINIC CORK ENGLAND 206
18 PHILLIP De FREITAS ENGLAND 209
19 NEIL FAIRBROTHER ENGLAND 98
20 DARREN GOUGH ENGLAND 151
21 GRAEME HICK ENGLAND 277
22 RICHARD ILLING WORTH ENGLAND 84
23 PETER MARTIN ENGLAND 126
24 JACK RUSSEL (WK) ENGLAND 67
25 NEIL SMITH ENGLAND 154
26 ROBIN SMITH ENGLAND 105
27 GRAHAM THORPE ENGLAND 279
28 CRAIG WHITE ENGLAND 13
29 STEVEN LUBBERS (C) HOLLAND 129
30 REINOUT SCHOLTE (VC) HOLLAND 0
31 FLAVIAN APONSO HOLLAND 160
32 PAUL JAN BAKKER HOLLAND 60
33 PETER CANTRELL HOLLAND 220
34 NOLAN CLARKE HOLLAND 65
35 TIM De LEEDE HOLLAND 90
36 ERIK GOUKA HOLLAND 39
37 FLORIS JANSEN HOLLAND 25
38 ROLAND LEFEBVRE HOLLAND 143
39 MARCEL SCHEWE HOLLAND 64
40 KLAAS JAN VANN NOORTWIJK HOLLAND 168
41 ROBERT VAN OOSTEROM HOLLAND 12
42 BAS ZUIDERENT HOLLAND 116
43 MOHAMMAD AZHARUDDIN (C) INDIA 158
44 SACHIN TENDULKAR (VC) INDIA 573
45 SALIL ANKOLA INDIA 0
46 AJAY JADEJA INDIA 194
47 VINOD KAMBLI INDIA 181
48 ASHISH KAPOOR INDIA 20
49 ANIL KUMBLE INDIA 367
50 SANJAY MANJREKAR INDIA 151
51 NAYAN MONGIA (WK) INDIA 104
52 MANOJ PROBHARKAR INDIA 81
53 VENKATESH PRASAD INDIA 165
54 VENKATAPATHY RAJU INDIA 168
55 NAVJOT S. SIDHU INDIA 178
56 JAVAGAL SRINATH INDIA 200
57 MAURICE ODUMBE (C) KENYA 232
58 ASIF KARIM (VC) KENYA 31
59 RAJAB ALI KENYA 171
60 DEEPAK CHUDASAMA KENYA 81
61 TARIQ IQBAL KENYA 27
62 HITESH MODI KENYA 53
63 THOMAS ODOYO KENYA 42
64 EDWARD ODUMBE KENYA 60
65 LAMECK ONYANGO KENYA 0
66 KENNEDY OTIENO KENYA 152
67 MARTIN SUJI KENYA 128
68 BRIJAL PATEL KENYA 0
69 DAVID TIKOLO KENYA 16
70 STEVE TIKOLO KENYA 231
71 L.K. GERMON (C) (WK) NEW ZEALAND 206
72 N.J. ASTLE (VC) NEW ZEALAND 181
73 C.L. CAIRNS NEW ZEALAND 204
74 S.P. FLEMING NEW ZEALAND 228
75 C. HARRIS NEW ZEALAND 261
76 R. KENNEDY NEW ZEALAND 87
77 G.R. LARSEN NEW ZEALAND 66
78 D.K. MORRISON NEW ZEALAND 80
79 D.J. NASH NEW ZEALAND 133
80 A.C. PARORE NEW ZEALAND 149
81 D.N. PATEL NEW ZEALAND 34
82 C. SPEARMAN NEW ZEALAND 196
83 S.A. THOMPSON NEW ZEALAND 216
84 R.G. TWOSE NEW ZEALAND 180
85 WASIM AKRAM (C) PAKISTAN 125
86 AAMIR SOHAIL (VC) PAKISTAN 357
87 IJAZ AHMED PAKISTAN 207
88 MUSHTAQ AHMED PAKISTAN 215
89 SAEED ANWAR PAKISTAN 329
90 INZAMAM UL HAQ PAKISTAN 145
91 AAQIB JAVED PAKISTAN 146
92 RASHID LATIF (WK) PAKISTAN 71
93 SALEEM MALIK PAKISTAN 198
94 JAVED MIANDAD PAKISTAN 69
95 SAQLAIN MUSHTAQ PAKISTAN 45
96 RAMEEZ RAJA PAKISTAN 2
97 ATA-UR-REHMAN PAKISTAN 25
98 WAQAR YOUNIS PAKISTAN 274
99 HANSIE CRONJE (C) SOUTH AFRICA 331
100 CRAIG MATTHEWS (VC) SOUTH AFRICA 162
101 PAUL ADAMS SOUTH AFRICA 70
102 DARYL CULLINAN SOUTH AFRICA 270
103 ALAN DONALD SOUTH AFRICA 160
104 FANIE De VILLIERS SOUTH AFRICA 52
105 ANDREW HUDSON SOUTH AFRICA 285
106 JACQUES KALLIS SOUTH AFRICA 68
107 GARY KIRSTEN SOUTH AFRICA 401
108 BRIAN McMILLAN SOUTH AFRICA 160
109 STEVE PALFRAMAN (WK) SOUTH AFRICA 85
110 SHAUN POLLOCK SOUTH AFRICA 168
111 JONTY RHODES SOUTH AFRICA 64
112 PAT SYMCOX SOUTH AFRICA 119
113 ARJUNA RANATUNGA (C) SRILANKA 286
114 ARVINDRA D' SILVA (VC) SRILANKA 548
115 MAVAN ATAPATTU SRILANKA 0
116 UPUL CHANDANNA SRILANKA 0
117 KUMARA DHARAMASENA SRILANKA 134
118 ASANKA GURUSINGHE SRILANKA 312
119 SANATH T. JAYASURIA SRILANKA 386
120 ROMESH KALUWITHARANA (WK) SRILANKA 98
121 ROSHAN MAHANAMA SRILANKA 80
122 MUTTIAH MURALITHARAM SRILANKA 155
123 RAVINDRA PUSHPAKUMARA SRILANKA 20
124 HASHAN TILLEKERATNE SRILANKA 128
125 CHAMINDA VAAS SRILANKA 143
126 PRAMODAYA WICKREMASINGHE SRILANKA 4
127 SULTAN ZARWANI (C) UAE 101
128 SAEED ALSAFFAR (VC) UAE 5
129 IMTIAZ ABBASI (WK) UAE 25
130 SHAHZAD ALTAF UAE 20
131 MOHAMMED ASLAM UAE 38
132 SHAUKAT DUKANWALA UAE 214
133 SHEIKH MAZHAR HUSSEIN UAE 104
134 MOHAMMAD ISHAQ UAE 76
135 ARSHAD LAIQ UAE 86
136 VIJAY MEHRA UAE 49
137 GANESH MYLVAGANAM UAE 41
138 SALIM RAZA UAE 157
139 SYED AZHAR SAEED UAE 188
140 JOHANNE SAMARASEKERA UAE 150
141 R.B. RICHARDSON (C) WEST INDIES 241
142 J.C. ADAMS WEST INDIES 136
143 C.E.L. AMBROSE WEST INDIES 213
144 K.L.T. ARTHURTON WEST INDIES 27
145 I.R. BISHOP WEST INDIES 100
146 C.O. BROWNE (WK) WEST INDIES 89
147 S.L. CAMPBELL WEST INDIES 57
148 S.C. CHANDERPAUL WEST INDIES 216
149 C.E. CUFFY WEST INDIES 26
150 O.D. GIBSON WEST INDIES 32
151 R.A. HARPER WEST INDIES 333
152 R.I.C. HOLDER WEST INDIES 5
153 B.C. LARA WEST INDIES 279
154 C.A. WALSH WEST INDIES 163
155 A. FLOWER (C\WK) ZIMBABWE 56
156 E.A. BRANDES ZIMBABWE 7
157 A.D.R. CAMPBELL ZIMBABWE 139
158 S. DAVIES ZIMBABWE 9
159 C.N. EVANS ZIMBABWE 92
160 G.W. FLOWER ZIMBABWE 140
161 A.P.C. LOCK ZIMBABWE 56
162 H.R. OLONGO ZIMBABWE 0
163 S.G. PEALL ZIMBABWE 39
164 H.H. STREAK ZIMBABWE 165
165 P.A. STRANG ZIMBABWE 297
166 B.C. STRANG ZIMBABWE 50
167 A.C. WALLER ZIMBABWE 159
168 G.J. WHITALL ZIMBABWE 71
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